Tuesday, February 07, 2012
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Abstract

This paper gives a brief outline of the Conversational Model which is among the best validated of currently employed psychotherapies. The theory is built around the idea that the central task of psychotherapy is to potentiate the emergence and amplification of that dualistic form of consciousness that William James called self. However, this state of mind cannot be acted upon as if it existed in isolation. Rather, it is part of an ecology that includes the form of relatedness that underpins it. No element of the ecology can change unless the other elements also change. Seen in this way, the form of relatedness is transformational. It is necessarily mediated by conversation consisting of more than its content, the simple transmission of information. The main point of the paper is that the form of the conversation manifests and constitutes not only a form of consciousness but also a form of relatedness. This conception provides a means of testing hypotheses of therapeutic action since it suggests that syntactical structuring, together with the other major elements of language, lexicon, and phonology, allow us to chart the waxings and wanings of personal being in the therapeutic conversation.

The Background

The Conversational Model is the name Robert Hobson (1920-1999) gave, in 1985 (1), to an approach to psychotherapy that grew out of work with patients who had failed other treatment and who, in the language of the time, were “unanalysable.” Many of these people would now be called “borderline.” Although the approach arose out of experiences with severely damaged people, it has a general application. The purpose of this paper is to give a brief outline of the model in order to introduce it to American therapists who, because of its Anglo-Australian origins, may not be familiar with it.

The work began in 1965 with a focus on the “minute particulars” (1), through the use of audiotapes to study the therapeutic conversation. Here could be found in microscopic form not only systems of destruction of the sense of personal being but also “moments of aliveness,” that are the germs of self. These data provided an important basis to the theory that Hobson and myself have struggled to grasp and formulate over the last three decades.

The project was launched, in publication terms, in 1971, when Hobson put forward certain of the main ideas of what he hoped would be a “testable model of psychotherapy” (2). Fostering a form of relatedness Hobson called “aloneness-togetherness” was seen as a central aim of therapy. This aim was additional to, and beyond, that of correcting distortions of habitual maladaptive forms of relatedness. Its purpose was the generation of self, which was understood as a dynamism, a process, arising in conversation as a third thing, between people (2, p. 97).

This paper outlines the subsequent elaboration of these original nuclear ideas. Self is conceived much as William James had done (3,4). It has a core of “value” that can be damaged (5). Attacks upon this feeling are a major source of psychological trauma (6). Symbolic play provides a metaphor for the development of self (7), which cannot be generated by a “linear” form of language (8). Rather, therapy is directed towards a jointly created imaginative narrative arising out of play - like, non - linear mental activity (1,2,4,6,7,8). Therapeutic interventions directed at “insight” and the “unconscious” risk invalidation and the creation of dependence (3,9). Descriptions of the theory and method are given in Hobson (1) Meares (6,7).

The model is one of the best validated of all currently employed psychotherapies. An abbreviated version of the model has been manualized as “psychodynamic-interpersonal” (PI) psychotherapy (10,11). PI has shown to be effective in depression (12,13,14) in certain psychosomatic disorders (15) and to be cost-effective in treating repeated users of clinic services (16). A brief form of PI is useful in reducing repeated episodes of self-harm (17). The Conversational Model produces beneficial effect and is cost-effective in the treatment of borderline personality disorder (18-21).

The Action of Being

An old definition of the word “conversation,” provided by the Oxford English Dictionary, conveys the essence of the Conversational Model. It is: “The action of living or having one’s being in a place or among persons.” It tells us that conversation both constitutes and manifests a form of personal being. A focus upon the shifts, the movements, the waxings, and wanings of this experience is at the core of the therapeutic approach.

Each mental illness involves a specific disturbance of the ordinary ongoing sense of personal existence, an experience we might call “self.” This statement is almost tautological yet it is necessary to begin in this way since, although the observation is fundamental, the basic idea is sometimes lost in a focus upon symptoms and behavior. The Conversational Model is built around the idea that psychotherapy is directed towards the restoration of a disrupted sense of personal being, or self. Each mental illness will involve a particular kind of disturbance of the sense of personal being.

The development of a scientific theory that underpins this approach must begin with what we mean by self. Self is defined according to William James, as a process - something like his “stream of consciousness” (3,6,7). Using James’s description (22), we can identify at least 12 main characteristics of self. Of great significance is the feeling associated with the movements of inner life. It involves the sense of aliveness, of vitality. This is allied to a feeling of well - being, a background tone of positive affect of which we are not always consciously aware. Another notable characteristic of self is duality, a doubleness created by the reflective awareness of inner events.

A perusal of the main characteristics of the Jamesian self (see table I) suggests the complexity that follows a disruption of this experience. Furthermore, the list is not exhaustive.

Table IMain Characteristics of Jamesian Self
1. Duality (i.e. reflective awareness) 7. Temporality
2. Movement (sense of vitality) 8. Spatiality
3. Positive feeling (warmth & intimacy) 9. Content beyond immediate present (i.e., of the possible, the imagined, the remembered)
4. Non-linearity 10. Ownership
5. Coherence 11. Boundedness
6. Continuity 12. Agency

It is likely that each individual’s presentation to a therapist reveals a unique “profile”, comprising these various features, some being relatively preserved, others lost, stunted, or deformed. Although the profile for each individual will be his or her own, specific general patterns of disturbance can be identified. For example, an attenuation of the concept of boundedness is prominent in obsessive-compulsive disorder (23, 24); the senses of agency and ownership are ill-developed in anorexia nervosa.

The Conversational Model arose out of the aridness of the positivist-behaviorist era of the twentieth century in which the notion of inner life, the heart of humanity, was disregarded, derided, or even denied in the dominant trends of psychological and philosophical thought. The overt reasons for the banishment of self from these and related disciplines included the criticism that, because it could not be seen and measured, it was beyond the pale of scientific inquiry. However, in attempting to create a model of therapy that was “humanistic” (1, p.228), and that gave value to the feeling of inner life, we did not want to lose the emphasis upon the scientific ideal that underpinned much of the intellectual endeavour of the twentieth century. It is essential that therapeutic methods do not depend merely upon such influences as tradition, authoritative texts, or even the idea that a particular procedure seems to make sense. Therapeutic procedures must be testable.

If our work is to have a scientific basis, we must be able, as it were, to view changes in self as the experience waxes and wanes during the therapeutic process. This can be done linguistically. Fluctuations in the state of self as displayed in shifts in its various characteristics are manifest in the language of the therapeutic conversation.

The study of language here refers not simply to the content of language. Conversation is not merely a vehicle for the transmission of pieces of information conceived as necessary to the therapeutic process. Of central import is the form of the language, the way in that words are used. This usage includes the tone of voice. Language consists of phonology, lexicon, and syntax. Phonology is the fundamental language since it is all that the baby can use for the first 18 months or so of life. Syntax is the last element to emerge. Syntax not only suggests a form of self, it also depicts and constructs a form of relatedness. This leads to the notion that every form of consciousness is underpinned by a particular form of relatedness.

Self as Dynamism: The First Therapeutic Focus
The Jamesian self is only one of a number of different forms of consciousness. Its identifying feature is duality. This unified experience is “duplex,” made up of one pole of awareness and another pole of inner events. Consciousness is not always in this form. For example, when we are alarmed, reflective awareness is lost and attention is directed towards the source of threat. This kind of consciousness is “adualistic.” The characteristic consciousness of those people damaged by the impacts of the social environment has this form. The aim of therapy is to restore, generate, and potentiate that particular kind of consciousness that we are calling self. However, this state of mind cannot be approached as if it existed by itself.

Just as Winnicott said of a baby, we can say that there is no such thing as a self. It does not exist in the absence of an environment. Particular states of consciousness cannot be conceived in isolation. They arise in the context of particular forms of relatedness, which are necessarily mediated by conversation. The idea that self is part of a dynamism, or ecology, is summarized in Table II.

Table II The Dynamism of Self
1. Self is a particular kind of consciousness2. Every state of consciousness arises out of the brain’s interplay with the sensory environment3. The most important part of the sensory environment, in terms of the experience of self, is the social environment4. Following 3, we can restate 2 as follows: That state of consciousness we call self arises in the context of a particular form of relatedness5. Since relatedness depends upon language we can enlarge 4 to say that a particular state of consciousness, manifest in language, arises in the context of a particular form of relatedness, mediated by conversation6. Any change in one of the components of this system (or ecology) causes a change in all the other components7. Conversely, a state of consciousness cannot alter unless the other components of the dynamism also alter

The proposal that particular forms of conversation both manifest and create a form of relatedness and a form of consciousness can be illustrated by considering a particular example. If a person with whom we are talking says something beginning with “It looks like……” when referring to inner events, he or she shows not only a duality of consciousness but also a form of relatedness. It involves a curious kind of at-oneness in which both partners feel a sense of connectedness and a shared understanding, but their orientation is not directed at themselves but at something else, a third thing which, as it were, arises between them. This third thing we might call self.

The kind of relationship illustrated here has the elements of Robert Hobson’s called “aloneness-togetherness” (1, 2, 25). In a literal sense, this is an “intimate” relationship since it involves the sharing of inner experience. It is important that intimacy, understood in this way, does not necessarily include sexuality, and is not equivalent to confession.

Hobson’s “aloneness-togetherness” is a state in that, while with another, one’s own world is retained, and while alone, one is not afflicted with the pain of isolation. He contrasted this state with another dyadic state, a principal feature of which is isolation and alienation. The first aim of therapy is to establish that form of relatedness in which the experience of self emerges. Hobson wrote: “Much of the work of psychotherapy is concerned with establishing the state of aloneness-togetherness, by resolution of an idealized fantasy of fusion that goes together with social isolation” (2, p.97). Fusion is not intimacy. Indeed, it can be seen as a kind of defence, a desperate attempt to fill, with the figure of the other, the emptiness left by the absence of self.

Fellow Feeling and the Double
The experience of the other in the state of “aloneness-togetherness” is one of fellow-feeling. A “fellow” according to the Oxford English Dictionary, is “One of a pair; the mate, marrow; a counterpart, match.” The “marrow,” the same dictionary tells us, is “the inmost part; the vital part; the essence; the goodness.” These words convey something of the affective tone that “fellow-feeling” implies. It is a consequence of a complex matching arising out of an interplay that resonates between two people. Out of this feeling of resonance between my inner, essential, and highly valued experience and the responses of the other, there emerges the sense of myself. Hobson in his characteristically condensed, and almost gnomic way, wrote: “I can only find myself in and between me and my fellows in a human conversation” (1, p135). (“Me” in this statement refers to “identity” and is distinguished from both “I” and “Myself”).

The experience of the other in this state of connectedness is not adequately expressed by any word in the English language. “Fellow” is an approximation, as is Kohut’s “selfobject.” The latter term conveys the notion that this form of relatedness, in which self elements adhere to the object, is to be distinguished from the “subject-object” form. However, a literal understanding (or, in my view, misunderstanding) of Kohut’s definition, which concerns the other’s “functions in shoring up our sense of self” (26, p.49) leads to the danger of addiction to certain responses of the other, and so to impediments to the emergence of self.

The cardinal feature of “fellow - feeling” (that might also be called “intimate relatedness”), is that of “doubling.” The other portrays, or represents, in tone of voice, facial expression, the use of words, or all of these, something of my own, “vital,” experience. My likeness, as it were, is embodied in the other or in his or her expressions. This process of “doubling” is essential to the development of self (6).

The double consciousness self is not experienced by the child until about 4, 5 or 6 years of age when he or she discovers the experience of the “stream of consciousness” (27) and the concept of “innerness” is formed (28). Before this milestone is achieved, consciousness is largely adualistic. However, the achievement is not an inevitable part of an immutable biological program. Rather, particular responses are required of the social environment. The caregiver, at least at first, plays out the role of the double, so that the double consciousness of the mature adult first appears, in elementary form, not as an intrapsychic experience, but in the world between the baby as “I,” and the other whose responses “match” the baby’s positive emotional state. In this behavior, the mother who is double, a me-other, does not simply mimic her baby. Her responses include amplification, coupling and representation, the characteristics of a self-organizing system (6).

The sense of at-oneness with the other is slowly internalized as summarized in Table III. The table makes clear that the internalization takes place in the context of play and involves conversation that, at first, depends upon phonology.
Table IIIA Developmental Schema of “Doubling” in Play
Birth Conversational Play - mother doubles as the child2 –3 months Proto–Conversation- mother (i.e. caregiver) as the other who is adouble10 – 12 months Imitation- child now creates the double by means of thebody18 months – 4/5 years Symbolic Play- child creates an abstract or illusory double towhom he/she talks (condensation of ex-experience of the other as double and projection of the child himself or herself)- the transitional field4 – 5 years Inner Conversation - the double is now internal

The developmental process provides principles for important aspects of the therapeutic approach, particularly in those cases in that the caregiving environment has failed to provide appropriate responsiveness, i.e., a constantly changing series of “attuned” or empathic representations. In these cases, since the internalization of the sense of being with the other has not taken place, the “aloneness-togetherness” form of relatedness is not possible. Nor is the experience of the “stream of consciousness” developed, leaving the individual afflicted with inner emptiness. His or her conversation has the style of a “chronicle” (29). A further understanding of this state can be gained by a consideration of the scene of symbolic play.

Two Kinds of Human Language
Symbolic play, in which the child plays with toys, or other things, in an apparently solitary way, is a feature of that period of life before the child’s discovery of the stream of consciousness at the ages of four to six. It shows the embryonic features of this inner experience going on in the outer world.

In this kind of play, although the child appears to be ignoring those around him or her, he or she is not alone. The activity is suffused with the sense of the presence of the other during those occasions in the past when at-oneness was experienced. The scene has a strange reality that both Piaget (30, 31) and Winnicott (32) identified. It is neither inner nor outer but both. It is “transitional,” to use the Winnicottian’s term.

While the child plays, he or she chatters, using a curious language described by Vygotsky (33). It is non - linear, associative, and apparently purposeless. It jumps, and is, at times, so condensed that it cannot be understood, leading Vygotsky to conclude that its function is not communicative. Rather, I suggest, it is necessary for the representation, and so, the bringing into being, of self (34, 7). The child engaged in symbolic play, has taken on for himself or herself the representing role of the other as double.

Table IV The Two Human Languages
Inner Speech1. Non - linear2. Non - grammatical3. Analogical, associative4. Positive affect5. Non-communicative6. Inner-directed7. Intimate8. Self-related Social Speech1. Linear2. Grammatical3. Logical4. Variable affect5. Communicative6. Outer directed7. Non-intimate8. Identity-related

` The child’s language during symbolic play (e.g., “See, he’s going up. He’s clever isn’t he?”), suggests that a curious kind of conversation is going on. Since this activity is, I suggest, the necessary forerunner to the “stream of consciousness,” and the earlier form of the later, inner experience, we infer that the stream of consciousness can be conceived as something like an inner conversation. Vygotsky had a very similar idea, believing that when the strange kind of speech used in symbolic play disappears between the ages of four to six, it is internalized to become “inner speech.” The form of relatedness in which the sense of self is emerging shows the “shape” of this language.

Symbolic play is enveloped by the atmosphere of implicit intimate relatedness. The orientation is embryonically inner and focuses on the child’s personal concerns, aspirations, imaginings and so forth. The activity, in its most typical form, consists in the telling of a story that, in a symbolic way, gives them representation. These small stories are the atoms out of that that larger organism, the individual’s own symbolically told “narrative of self,” is, eventually, made. This process goes on, in a more interior way, throughout life.

The child, however, is only engaged in this play for a small amount of time, as we are only lost in thought for brief periods of the day. For most of the day, the child uses a second language. It is the language of ordinary communication. It is logical, linear, and clearly purposeful. In adult life, the two main forms of language are found in pure form only in rare circumstances. Inner speech is the basis of some forms of poetry. The linear form of language, lacking symbolic qualities, is found in legal and political documents.

When an inner life is discovered at the ages of four to six, these two language forms become co - ordinated and mingled. Most conversations now consist of social speech in which is embedded the elements of the other, inner, speech. Increasing amounts of this latter language are associated with intimacy, and also with that form of dual consciousness we are calling self. Conversely, inner speech is lacking in those whose development has been disrupted. Their language is linear, seeming to reflect a “stimulus entrapment” (7, 35) It seems as if they are neurophysiologically unable to “turn off” the effect of stimuli (36). The conversation has the form of a “chronicle.”

This kind of conversation, which consists of a catalogue of internal events as they have impacted upon the subject, is characteristic of those deprived of that form of relatedness that underpins the experience of self. In this state of relative alienation, they are forced to orient towards the world rather than towards those experiences that might become the basis of inner life.

Trauma: The Second Therapeutic Focus
The experience of self as it appears in the therapeutic conversation is, from time to time, overthrown by another form of consciousness that is more limited, adualistic and of traumatic origin. This repetitive irruption blocks further development in the sphere of self. A second therapeutic aim is to identify these intrusions of traumatic memory in order to integrate them into the ordinary ongoing dualistic consciousness.

It is important to note that integration of this kind is only possible if the process of self is established. This, therefore, must be the primary aim of therapy. It will depend to a large extent on the therapist’s imaginative and sensitive capacity to make, in a fluid and natural way, empathic representations of the patient’s nebulous, half glimpsed, but emergent inner states (37).

The traumatic impacts upon the self system, inflicted in the past, may affect any one or several of the various features of self, e.g., the senses of agency, ownership or boundedness. However, perhaps the most important impact is upon the central feeling of self, that positive tone that William James likened to “warmth and intimacy.” This feeling gives “value,” providing for the individual his or her sense of personal worth (7, 38). Damage to this central core through what might be called “attacks upon value” are among the more debilitating of cumulative traumata. They take various forms, including shaming, ridiculing, and simple invalidation. However, “attacks upon value” go beyond emotional abuse, extending to apparently benign remarks, such as the repeated injunction to “be careful”, sometimes creating for the individual the unpleasant feeling of loss of personal agency.

Traumatic memory is a form of psychic life different from dualistic consciousness (39). It is anxiety ridden, and is underpinned by an alienated form of relationship. It is recorded in a memory system somewhere down the hierarchy of memory (see Table V). This is explained in the following way.
Table VHierarchy of Memory*
MEMORY TYPE AGE OF APPEARANCE DEGREES OF REFLECTIVENESS DECLARATIVE VS NON-DECLARATIVE
Remote episodic or autobiographical Recent episodicGeneric episodic(episodes) 4 years2-3 years2-3 years Reflective(autonoetic)? DeclarativeDeclarativeDeclarative
Semantic(facts) Last part of first year Non-reflective (noetic) Declarative (in 2nd year)
Procedural(movements)Perceptualrepresentation(sensations) EarlyBirth Non-reflective (anoetic) Non-declarative
*This table adapted from Meares (40).

Hughlings Jackson, who had influenced both Pierre Janet and Sigmund Freud, considered that an assault upon the brain-mind system causes a retreat down a hierarchy of function decreed by evolutionary history. Those functions that evolved last and that develop latest in an individual life, are the first to be lost. Seen in this way, those forms of memory that involve reflective awareness are the most fragile, the most easily lost (39, 40).
Most typically, traumatic memories are stored in the semantic system (41). They are beyond reflective awareness and, in this sense, are unconscious. When triggered, they are not known to be memories. Since the memory system that retrieves the original episodes of their occurrence cannot be accessed, what is remembered concerns the facts (the “cognitions,” some might say) of the original trauma e.g. that one is hopeless, weak, ugly and so forth in the presence of someone critical, controlling, and so forth. This experience is located in the present, so that the attributes of the original traumatizer and traumatised are given to those in the present. This is the experiential zone of “transference.” It leads to a repetitive and limited kind of conversation that has the form of a “script” (29).

The intrusion of the unconscious traumatic memory system into the therapeutic conversation is often shown by very slight changes. They include diminishment of self - features and a relative loss of inner speech. There is frequently (i) devitalization, (ii) negative emotional tone, (iii) outer orientation, (iv) loss of reflective function and (v) linear thought form. The change in the underlying form of relatedness is reflected in grammatical structure, e.g., questions might be asked, so that a subject-object dichotomy becomes salient.

At times, the change in the form of relatedness is the most prominent element of the shift. This involves more than a sense of disconnection and subtle alienation. The “facts” of the original traumatic situation dominate and determine the form of relatedness that now appears. Since the traumatic memory system is sequestered, unassimilated into ordinary consciousness, it is as if “loose” or unstable, so that the polarity of the original traumatic relatedness may oscillate, sometimes causing the subject, rather than playing out the experience of the victim, to be inhabited by the role of the original traumatizer in a system of “reversals” (7, 42), a phenomenon first noted by Freud in 1915 (43, p.399-400).

It is important to remember that the patient, who is now in the grip of those feelings relating to the trauma, may now begin to tell a story, which, although he or she is not aware of it, has the features of the original trauma and also, of what happened at the moment when the memory was triggered. The trigger may be external (e.g. something the therapist did or did not say), or internal, paradoxically an emergent feeling of liveliness or creativity (44).

The unconscious traumatic memory system creates powerful subliminal signals, building up an “expectational field” (6, 45) that draws the therapist into its net. The sensitive therapist now feels a slight coercion to behave in a particular way that, on processing the matter, leads to the realization that he or she is cast in the role of the original traumatizer and is in danger of acting out the part. This realization affords a second means of getting to know the circumstances of the original trauma. (This phenomenon has been understood in terms of projective identification (46).)

The therapist cannot tackle the “facts” of the “script” (or the distorted cognitions) while the trauma system continues to operate. His or her remarks are understood in terms of the reality of the system. What is uttered with benign intent, may be experienced as criticism or devaluation (3). To repeat, the aim is integration. The first step is towards establishing a form of relatedness that is not part of the trauma system, so that the experience can be reflected upon and, played around with. This is dependent on the therapist being able to set up, once again, a relationship in which the patient feels understood and valued.

Reflection upon the traumatic experience, and the movement from a linear form of psychic material into an associative kind, transfers the traumatic experience into something nearer the form of ordinary dualistic consciousness, so that it may “mingle” with it, rather than remaining sequestered. Pierre Janet called this process “liquidation” (47) of the trauma.

So baldly stated, “liquidation” seems a straightforward task. It is, however, complex, difficult and often slow. There are powerful impediments to change.

The first impediment is the kind of relatedness that underpins the adualistic traumatic consciousness. Rather than intimacy it is an attachment, a phylogenetically earlier form of relationship. The individual characteristically lives in states of “non-intimate attachment” (48). If the traumatic consciousness is to alter, so also must the pathological attachment to which it is linked. Fear of the loss of this attachment is a fundamental obstacle to integration.

Other impediments come from the satellite systems surrounding the unconscious traumatic memories. The satellite systems are designed to prevent the re-experiencing of the trauma. They most commonly involve “avoidance” or “accommodation” (44, 6). In the former circumstance, they determine repetitive strategies to ward off the kind of damage that was done to the feeling of self in the past. In the latter case, the individual habitually behaves, particularly under the influence of anxiety, in a way that he or she believes will maintain the attachment to the other. Such systems might determine the shaping of an entire life.

Discussion
My aim has been to give an overview of the Conversational Model, highlighting the more salient features of the approach. However, the brevity of this account has deficiencies. In this summary, it will be apparent that privilege is given to feeling-tones and how they arise in particular forms of relatedness. A primary focus is upon the shifts in moods and emotion out of which “meanings” frequently come and upon which depend the valuation of personal existence. Conversations are not merely made up of words and their literal meaning. The subtleties and complexities of the conversational experience cannot be encompassed in so short a space as this article. However, clinical illustrations appear in the publications mentioned.

In this kind of account there is also a danger of creating a sense of fixity. The Conversational Model is not a closed but an open theory, evolving on the basis of new data generated in such fields as neurophysiology, child development, linguistics, memory research, trauma studies, and, most importantly, accounts of personal experience, coming not only from the clinical setting but also from expressions found in art, literature and philosophy.

Although the model is emergent, the core therapeutic foci remain constant. They concern (i) the potentiation of that experience James called self and (ii) the integration into this experience of disruptive traumatic memory. These two foci allow the theory to accommodate, and reconcile, some of the main ideas put forward by other schools that sometimes seem disparate or opposed.

The therapeutic aim is to transform those conversations into that we enter during our early encounters with our patient. They characteristically have the form of “chronicles” or “scripts” and are conducted in an atmosphere, however subtle, of alienation. The transformational objective is towards another kind of conversation in which the elements of selfhood begin to appear and which reflects a new form of relatedness that Hobson called “aloneness-togetherness.”

The success or failure of each therapeutic contribution to the conversation necessary to this form of relatedness is judged not by its theoretical “correctness” but by “what happens next” (49). The fluctuations in the evolution of “aloneness-togetherness,” in that “connectedness” is central, are reflected in changes in the totality of experience of self, including its bodily feeling (50) and sense of spatiality (51).

Responses of the other that “match,” or “resonate” with, the subject’s immediate reality promote an experience of personal being that feels solid and substantial (52, 6, 7). It is accompanied by an amplified and more vital form of consciousness (53).

This primary aim implies that it is the relationship that is transformational. What is most important is that the conversation, which both manifests and constitutes the relationship also manifests and constitutes a particular kind of consciousness. Seen in this way, the fine details of conversational structure are crucial. The new direction implied by the Conversational Model is that focus upon the form of the therapeutic conversation is as important as its content.

Finally, the idea that the syntactical structuring, together with the other major elements of language, lexicon and phonology, allows us to chart the waxings and wanings of the experience of personal being during the therapeutic conversation introduces a new dimension into the developing science of psychotherapy. Since words, or rather, the way words are used, can be made the markers of self, we are able to study the process of therapeutic change in a way that approaches the quantitative methods of orthodox science and that is beyond the subjectivity of rating scales and similar devices. The idea allows us to test the hypotheses of therapeutic action, to some extent fulfilling Hobson’s ambition to find “a testable model of psychotherapy.”

 

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The Einstein Aging Study, summarized in June 19, 2003 New England Journal of Medicine, found that dancing helps prevent dementia. Dementia in the study refers to both Alzheimer's disease and vascular dementia. Vascular dementia is the 2nd most common form of dementia after Alzheimer's. The study included participants in six brain-stimulating hobbies - reading, writing for pleasure, doing puzzles, board games or playing cards, group discussions and playing music.

The study also included participants in 11 physical activities including team sports, swimming, bicycling and dance.

Dance was the only physical activity that benefited the brain. This was attributed to the cerebral rather than the physical aspect of dance. Researchers found that the relationship between the mind-stimulating effects of dancing, as well as in the above six types of hobbies, and the lowered risk of dementia remained strong even after they allowed forvariables such as age, sex and education. Frequency of activity also was important! 63% lower than that among subjects in the lowest third. We believe this emphasizes the importance of engaging in a regular program of dancing. The need to learn and remember numerous dance movements produces a constant and very beneficial challenge to the brain. The social aspects of dancing, the relaxation it produces and the joy of dancing also is involved. The sense of accomplishment and confidence acquired by successfully completing a dance with a partner are beneficial, as well. Fitness, both mental and physical, often begins with one's state of mind. Mental acuity comes from mental exercise and if you're dancing, you're not sitting at home watching TV or felling sorry for yourself. This applies to everyone of all ages. Among mind-stimulating activities, dancing is unique in that it also provides beneficial physical exercise. Many people have gotten the message. That's why we see increasing numbers of people of all ages having the time of their lives on dance floors all over the county. They are receiving a double payoff, mental and physical.

Keep Your Brain Alive!

Go Dancing!

The study, by scientists at the Rush Alzheimer's Disease Center and Rush-Presbyterian-St. Luke's Medical Center in Chicago, Illinois, USA, appeared in the February 13, 2002 edition of the Journal of the American Medical Association.

 

Might Dancing Delay Dementia? Experts Can't Say, but Enthusiasts Like the Beat
By Yuki Noguchi
Washington Post Staff Writer

Tuesday, October 14, 2003; Page HE01

There's this guy I dance with, Arnold Taylor. He has firm hands and shoulders, and his favorite eight-step swing move has this merry-go-round feel to it.

Everything in the periphery is ablur except his face, which usually bears a broad grin.

He's strong -- a fact he underscores by introducing himself, with a wink, simply as "Ahnoldt." This faux Schwarzenegger's dance card is usually pretty full. And when he walks, it's more like he's swaggering to a syncopated beat.It's easy to mistake this 78-year-old retired reverend for a lady's man. But really, when he's on the dance floor, he's just reflecting the spiritual joy he's gotten out of his favorite form of recreation."What do I like most about dance? Oh, well, the sort of happy human relationship. Being with somebody and having fun," he says.

Long-time dancers like Taylor know what the medical community is lately starting to find some evidence of: the realization that dancing is good for you. Particularly, as it turns out, for older people.

In a recent study of nearly 500 people by the Albert Einstein Center in the Bronx, N.Y., dancing was the only regular physical activity associated with a significant decrease in the incidence of dementia, including Alzheimer's disease.

Alzheimer's, which slowly degrades brain and memory function, affects 4 million Americans over the age of 60. Dementia, a broader category of diminished mental ability, affects between 6 million and 7 million.

"Dance is not purely physical in many ways, it also requires a lot of mental effort," said Joseph Verghese, the lead researcher of the study, published in June in the New England Journal of Medicine.

Though many studies have explored the relationship between activity and dementia, he said, "if you review them, the [activities] that are purely physical do not seem to have any effect reducing dementia."

"Certainly among my patients [who dance], their posture is different and the way they walk is different," Verghese said. Changes in walking patterns, he said, are often symptoms of mental decline.

Among the participants in the Verghese study, those who danced frequently -- three or four times a week -- showed 76 percent less incidence of dementia than those who danced only once a week or not at all.

The same study showed that doing puzzles, mind games and other mentally stimulating activities also reduce the incidence of dementia, but that purely physical activities -- swimming, bicycling, walking, climbing stairs -- had no preventive value.

The results don't surprise Jamie Platt, 53, an analyst for the Social Security Administration who gets his kicks folk dancing, Balkan, Turkish and Armenian style."I have a very sedentary kind of job. But when I go dancing, I get my ya-yas out," said Platt, "It keeps me very vibrant. The dances that we do have very complex footwork. You have to think about the complex rhythms. So it keeps you on the ball," Platt said.

So what is it about dance that might make it life- and brain- enhancing? The short answer, said Verghese: "I really don't know."

True, it involves movement, and there are dozens of studies that show -- even if the Einstein Center study didn't -- a positive correlation between physical exercise of all kinds and mental health.

Essentially, exercise seems to jazz the brain.

Sustained aerobic activity involves not just those parts of the brain that control motor and sensory functions, but also the hippocampus -- the section responsible for memory and many other cognitive functions, said Carl W. Cotman, a neuroscientist at the University of California, Irvine."It's surprising, because you'd think, 'What's that got to do with movement?' but it does," said Cotman, who studies the influence of exercise on the brains of rats and mice. In animals that exercise, the connections between brain cells grow stronger, and a protein (brain-derived neurotrophic factor, or BDNF) shown to improve neuron survival increases.

In addition, Cotman says -- citing a finding that supports the theory that dance is better for your brain than other fitness activities -- physically active animals that have an "emotional support system," like interacting with other animals, see even more benefits in their brains.

Or it's possible that dance may not turn out to be a buffer at all.

The Einstein Center study has many critics. "I think there is nothing unique about dance in particular that is beneficial for Alzheimer's," said Bill Thies, vice president of medical and scientific affairs for the Alzheimer's Association. "The numbers involved in [the Einstein Center] research are too small, and a correlation, or a causal relationship, is difficult to establish."

Verghese's study followed 469 people over the age of 75 -- none of whom showed signs of dementia at the start -- from 1980 to 2001.

The participants underwent a series of clinical and neuropsychological tests at enrollment, and were tested every 12 to 18 months after that.

Within this group, 130 people danced frequently (three or more times a week), 83 swam frequently, 26 bicycled frequently and 19 played games frequently. For Thies, those numbers are problematic.

Definitive studies, he said, examine more than 10,000 people for a decade or more. He's not the only critic. "There are inherent limitations to these kinds of studies because they are behavioral and self-selected," meaning, in this case, that the group included only those without a condition that would keep them off the dance floor,"said David Bennett, a doctor of neurology and director of the Rush Alzheimer's Disease Research Center in Chicago. "You don't see the people who are not dancing."

"It's difficult to determine whether something is acting on the brain when a person dances that actually reduces the risk of mental decline," said Bennett. "There may be something about dance that attracts a certain type of person who is less depressed, more social and less stressed," all qualities that could also help stave off dementia, he said.

More studies are needed to test which qualities actually are affecting the brain, he said.Losing GripResearch hasn't produced a consensus on what protects against dementia, either. Some studies show that people with higher levels of education -- and therefore, presumably, more developed brains -- tend to be less likely to develop dementia.

Other studies link brain health with a healthful diet and good circulation. Still others suggest that people with depressive personalities are more prone to dementia later in life.

Dementia usually leaves markers. Brain scans sometimes show deposits of the protein amyloid, which essentially creates roadblocks for brain signals. Other people have plaques and tangles, knots of intertwined, dysfunctional nerve cells. Sometimes there are lesions on the brain tissue. Sometimes the brain shrinks.

A study published in July showed that elderly women who were overweight developed Alzheimer's disease with greater frequency than those of lesser weight. Among 260 Swedish women, those who were overweight or obese at age 70 were more likely than others of similar age to develop dementia or Alzheimer's in their eighties. "When you're considering a disease of late life, it's never one factor working in isolation," said Deborah Gustafson, whose research on Swedish women appeared in the Archives of Internal Medicine.

Other common ailments such as heart disease, high blood pressure and diabetes have also been linked to higher rates of dementia. "But we still found there's an independent effect between high body fat and dementia," said Gustafson.

Most dance burns fat. "It's great exercise for the body. The body needs to move, and dancing gets the blood flowing," said Craig Hutchinson, 60, president of the Potomac Swing Dance Club, who has been dancing the since the age of 11.A

Turn on the FloorDancers, meanwhile, don't let science get in the way of their own theories about the value of dance. They variously claim it's the healing power of touch, the spiritual oneness of mind and body or even the regular stress relief that makes it good for the brain.

Donna Barker, who has taught swing, waltz and Argentine tango in the Washington area since 1984, says the Einstein Center study simply validates what is common knowledge among dancers."Human touch is healing," said Barker. "It's a no-brainer. . . . Why does social dance do it and tennis not? It's because you're touching somebody."

Ann Smith, 76, who made a career of modern dance with the Alvin Ailey company, also needs no convincing as to the therapeutic value of dance. "It just stands to reason," said Smith, who lives in Alexandria for half the year and teaches dance to students as old as 91.

"Mentally, [dancing] exchanges positive air for negative air" and engages the body and the brain in a kind of meditation, Smith said. "I would doubt very much that I would go the Alzheimer's route."

Research may still be far from being able to prove that dance is, in fact, good for aging minds. But it's difficult to dispute that, on the whole, dancers have a lot of positive energy.

Like my buddy Arnold Taylor. He danced through what must have been two of the grimmest periods of his youth: the Great Depression and World War II. But when he tells stories about his past in his usual animated fashion, he's generally talking about how he and his sister showed off their dance moves in the Grange halls of western Massachusetts during the 1930s.

Or about spending weekends in England in the 1940s hitting on girls at dances featuring the music of Tommy Dorsey and Duke Ellington.

It's the dancing he remembers; somehow, the penny-pinching family budgets and the ravages of wartime London don't steal his story.Who knows why some things -- dance steps or brain power -- come back, while others never do? While science tries to identify whether it's the drugs we take, the diet we eat or the dances we do, maybe the sensible thing to do to stave off dementia is to hit the dance floor. It may not work, but it's lots of fun.

© 2003 The Washington Post Company

To view the Joe Le Doux interview, please click here.

 

By Kayt Sukel
July 02, 2010

Now there are even fewer reasons to skip your daily run or that trip to the gym. It’s been well established that regular physical activity can help tone your muscles, prevent cardiovascular disease, and even help alleviate depressive symptoms. But exercise also has direct benefit to the brain: Research suggests that it makes physiological changes to neurons resulting in improved cognitive performance.

"Exercise is one lifestyle factor that can modify cognition in the brain both at young and older age," says Arthur Kramer, a researcher at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. "There’s been a great deal of work to show it is related to a number of changes in the brain both in terms of structure and function."

And a study published in the May 19 issue of Neuroscience suggests that exercise’s beneficial effects may last up to more than a week after you step off the treadmill.

Exercise-induced neurogenesis

Rusty Gage, a researcher at the Salk Institute, studies adult neurogenesis, or the birth of new neurons in the adult brain. There are only a few areas of the brain that show this phenomenon; one in the dentate gyrus, part of the hippocampus, an area implicated in the discrimination and temporal coding of memories [see story,"Physical Fitness Linked to Larger Hippocampus in Elderly"]. More than a decade ago, Gage’s lab discovered that rats that were housed in an enriched environment with toys to play with, tubes to hide in and wheels to run in showed a 15 percent increase in the total volume of the dentate gyrus. To determine which aspects of the environment were responsible for this change, Gage and colleagues separated out the different aspects of the enriched environment. They compared an enriched environment without running wheels to a normal cage with a running wheel.

"Much to our surprise, we saw the biggest increase in the number of neurons that we’d ever seen in animals that had free access to running wheels," says Gage. "We found that running increases the proliferation of the cells in the dentate gyrus."

Beyond the increase in volume, the running animals showed significant enhanced learning on simple learning tasks—as well as enhanced long term potentiation, or the cellular mechanism underlying learning and memory, when the group did recordings from single neurons.

Exercise and neurotrophic factor

Time and time again, physical activity has been identified as a key factor for successful aging, defined as improved quality of life and cognition in the elderly. Carl Cotman, a neuroscientist at the University of California, Irvine, wondered if perhaps exercise increased neurotrophic factors, the nourishing proteins that help promote survival in neurons, were somehow involved. [Cotman and Gage are members of the Dana Alliance for Brain Initiatives.]

"When I first looked at the literature, there was nothing there," says Cotman. "The only papers on exercise and the brain discussed increased glucose metabolism."

When he and his colleagues started doing experiments, they found that exercise did increase brain-derived neurotrophic factor (BDNF) and learning in an animal model. And subsequent studies demonstrated that exercise also reduced beta-amyloid-beta plaques, a trademark of Alzheimer’s disease, in elderly animals. What’s more, Cotman’s lab has just published research demonstrating that exercise’s beneficial effects last well beyond a single workout.

"In terms of benefiting cognition, the effects are reasonably long-lasting. Even when exercise is stopped, the improvements continue to evolve over the next 7 days in a rodent," says Cotman. "It’s encouraging. The brain is smart enough to know that exercise helps and tries to continue the programs in the brain that help learning and memory."

What may be even better news for those who have trouble finding time to get to the gym every single day is that the paper suggests exercising on alternating days is just as beneficial to the brain as exercising every day.

"The data suggest the brain has a lot of tolerance for frequency and amount," says Cotman.

The mechanism of action

What is it about those 30 minutes of aerobic exercise each day that results in such positive effects? One hypothesis for neurogenesis involves insulin-like growth factor 1 (IGF1), a protein implicated in growth and stress response. There is data to support the idea that exercise increases IGF1 in the blood and passes through the blood-brain barrier to help cell proliferation.

"Exercise also creates enhanced angiogenesis, or blood vessel formation," says Gage. "When those new vessels are formed, there’s leakiness in the blood brain barrier, so that increased IGF1 in the blood has access to the brain where that proliferation occurs." Studies when IGF1 is blocked or bound by drugs don’t show the same kind of neurogenesis in exercised animals.

A second hypothesis involves serotonin. Research has shown that running increases the release of serotonin in the brain. When researchers damage serotonin-producing neurons in rodents, neurogenesis is blocked. And if rats are given selective serotonin reuptake inhibitors (SSRIs), a class of drug used to treat depression that inhibit the reuptake of released serotonin by cells, keeping more in circulation, the animals show cell proliferation similar to that of exercised animals.

Cotman argues the regulation of these brain changes is linked to both the neurons themselves and peripheral influences on the brain. But he suggests BDNF is the final common pathway involved in these changes. "It would seem that there are multiple mechanisms that converge into a single mechanism in the brain," Cotman says. "And I argue that one of the read-outs is BDNF."

No doubts: Exercise is essential

The researchers continue to work out a deeper understanding of the pathways underlying the exercise/neurogenesis connection. But Cotman, Gage, and Kramer are emphatic about the importance of exercise—there’s no downside and all signs point to its relationship to enhanced learning and successful aging.

"Exercise is free—you don’t need a pill to do it," says Gage. "I really want to impress on people just how amazing it is and just how broad the impact."

Cotman wholeheartedly agrees, and his Neuroscience paper is a reminder that you don’t have to be a hard-core triathlete to reap the benefits.

"Exercise is an essential part of health," he says. "It’s like going to work or doing all those other things in life you have to do, you have to exercise. When you don’t want to, just remind yourself that you need to. And then do it."

 

Michael Eigen is widely acknowledged to be the finest, most profound psychoanalytic writer of our time. In a review of one of Dr. Eigen’s works, Christopher Bollas writes:“Eigen has not only assimilated the works of his intellectual tradition, they have traveled a dense journey into his unconscious and returned in the form of spontaneous original thinking, as rare as the authors he admires.Do we know of any one who writes like an evocative amalgam of William Blake, Mark Twain, Freud, and Raymond Chandler Eigen’s voice is unique; his vision is singular yet embracing, his mysticism is of this earth yet transcendent, and each of his chapters is a wonderful ‘spot in time’.” Dr. Michael Eigen is Associate Clinical Professor of Psychology in the Post Doctoral Program in Psychotherapy and Psychoanalysis at New York University, and Senior Member of the National Psychological Association of Psychoanalysis. He is also the editor of the Psychoanalytic Review.

Dr.Michael Eigen was interviewed in September 2006 by New York Institute for Psychotherapy Training (NYIPT) faculty and supervisor, Dr. Regina Monti.Dr. Eigen has a relationship with respected NYIPT going back to the 1970’s when he was a teacher and supervisor at the New Hope Guild.

Regina Monti: Throughout your writings, there is a thematic grounding of faith.In The Sensitive Self you describe the infant’s agony and hunger for the mother (the Other) leading the infant into a “numbness, stupor, oblivion”.When mother shows up, the infant is full with the “Bountiful Other . . .whose merciful intervention enables restoration of aliveness.”You go on to say that “something of this pattern remains as an organizing sequence . .informing emotional life”.Disintegration-integration, fragmentation-wholeness, etc. Is this the arena of faith? A definition of faith?

Along with faith, you write often about destructiveness. So much destruction in the Bible (a book of Faith).Where does the therapist’s faith originate in sitting and witnessing with the patient his/her trauma, destruction and shattering?

Michael Eigen:I’d like to start by taking these first two questions together. The problem of faith and destructiveness is basic to the human condition.Many sessions I write about are felt to be crises of faith. Faith in face of destructiveness. Can faith survive destruction? In what way? How?

As you know, a person sours in face of injury. Disillusionment can lead to cynicism, an embittered personality, an embittered soul. One hardens. We’ve learned that even fragmentation can harden.Diffusion can harden. Personality dispersal can become a chronic defense, a self-hardening. And if one touches it, one finds injury.A baby faith devastated. Often devastation one never recovers from, not fully.

We may give reasons why we use unnecessary violence, like wiping out Dresden, like Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Unnecessary violence. Like the Nazi concentration camps. Like so much wiping each other out on the global scene today. We point to politics, economics, national “self-interest”.Why does so much professed self-interest have to be so destructive, including destructive to the “interest” it professes to advance? Itmay be jejune of me to say that one reason is our injured baby faith, soul injury that remains with us all life long, looking for expression, correction. We are caught in a dreadful law:injury leads to injury.

We get a thrill from acts of obliteration. The biblical God is a model of our psyche on this score. What’s his response to feeling hurt by how badly his human creation turns out, human beings a blow to his ego? He wants to wipe the human race out, blot it out. With a flood.Throughout the bible, one emotional flood or another tries to wipe out destructiveness.Destruction wiping out destruction.This primal response shows how prone we are to respond to difficulty and injury by trying to blot it out, obliterate it.Because we feel wiped out by it.Because we are partial beings who ache for total states.

A lot of therapy is about the slow recovery of faith, at least more of it, a more informed faith, wiser, fuller, ready for anything.Although we can never be so ready.A respectful faith.In which caring has a real place, a caring about one’s destructiveness.To care enough to struggle with it.

In my twin books, Toxic Nourishment and Damaged Bonds, I describe how people are poisoned by what nourishes them, damaged by bonds that sustain them, that give them life. You mention a rhythm I describe in The Sensitive Self, a basic rhythm. Therapy supports or tries to jumpstart a rhythm of coming through injury, defeat, megalomania, a rhythm one goes through over and over, a rhythm of faith.

RM:You have written that the post-Freudian interest and deeper exploration of psychotic process has allowed psychoanalysis to “come out of the closet”.Please explain.What is the close? Who and or what is in there?

ME:Although Freud ostensibly developed a theory and clinical approach to neurosis, I point out in The Psychotic Core, that his concepts are heavily steeped in a phenomenology of psychosis. The id:seething cauldron of emotional realities where the law of contradiction and common sense do not hold, where space and time are abrogated, compressed, nullified (and in some ways expanded).The superego:persecution gone haywire, spinning into self-hate, self-demolition, a mixture of self-torment and self-obliteration.The ego:at once a hallucinatory organ and adaptive agent with anti-hallucinogenic properties.Freud wrote that an early cognitive operation of the ego is hallucination.For example, the ego as wish-fulfillment machine, attempting to get rid of disturbance by making believe it’s not there in some way, wishing it away.A problem with wishing disturbance away is one tends to wishoneself away as well.A vanishing tendency is initiated that becomes objectless or something like all-inclusive.In extremis, a vanishing tendency that vanishes itself as well as anything in its path.

Freud spoke of flooding as a primal trauma. And one way one deals with emotional storm is by trying to wish it, hallucinate it out of existence. A problem being one hallucinates oneself out of existence, too.

So, one thing I brought out is how psychotic states informed the background and construction of Freud’s structural concepts, and that psychosis was crucial to his theory and practice from the outset.

As psychoanalysis unfolded, attention gravitated to psychotic states:Melanie Klein, Harry Stack Sullivan, Searles, Winnicott, Fairbairn, Bion.In 1975 Andre Green formalized this seismic shift in psychoanalysis in his statement that where once neurosis was a defense against perverse tendencies, now both were seen as ways of warding off and organizing psychotic anxieties.Henry Elkin, steeped in Jung and the British school, used to lecture:“Behind every neurosis is a hidden psychosis”.

It seems to me after two world wars, the shift towards madness was inevitable.Although, of course, madness has never been a stranger to the human race.Now we can add pervasive psychopathy to the pie.For our own moment of history has as a guiding light, the calculated, psychopathic manipulation of psychotic anxieties.We have just seen one of the great power grabs in our nation’s history, certainly the most amazing in my 70 odd years, a basic weapon being manipulation of catastrophic dreads.Bodies are paying for it and, I believe, the psychic health of nations.

RM:In your work, your refer to “states of consciousness.”For example, you write: “We are challenged to work with cosmic and practical I-feelings”. I love this statement. Would you explain further?

In many of my books I write about the challenge of being in multiple worlds at once.Pluralistic dimensions of experience. One might speak of tendencies, capacities, attitudes.Different worlds open with different modes of approach.For example, when immersed in taste, touch, vision, hearing - worlds open in each that the others can’t offer.

With this in mind, one appreciates the implicit humor in Bion’s references to “common sense”.How to coordinate the senses is no small wonder.In autism, for example, attention is pulled first by something preeminent in one sense, then another.So that common sense, the senses working together, becomes quite a challenge, a genuine achievement.

And yet each sense gives us inexhaustible worlds, gives us ourselves differently. There is no end to the nuances of self-feeling, the self-sensations that our senses modulate, ineffable pathways.Yes, sensation is ineffable.

How much more so is the challenge, the invitation, to get to know, to taste, to smell different worlds along the cosmic-personal dimension.In The Psychotic Core I showed intricacies of being both anonymous and personal beings.We are made up of many anonymous capacities that work by themselves and we sense this anonymity that pervades our existence. Yet we have personal feeling, personal self-feeling, I, me, you, we.Afeeling of my personal being.Winnicott, for example, is exercised by the question of how personal self-feeling extends to embrace and grapple with anonymous processes that make it up.

It may be that Federn was the first to write about this systematically.He, following Freud, felt the I at first is a kind of cosmic I, boundless, no end to surface or depth, if these spatial terms apply at all.Psychotic individuals he worked with failed to make the transition to it into their body envelope.They refused or were unable to squeeze into the limiting field of usual material and social reality.The ability to contract the cosmic I-feeling to fit a common sense world did not undergo sufficient development.I won’t cover all this ground again here.Just using this to note the difficulty the demand of living in and coordinating different regions of being can bring.Part of therapy involves a certain double (multiple) directionality:worlds open with movement of sensation fields and worlds narrow and close.The rhythm of opening-closing, expanding-narrowing is part of basic rhythms that need to evolve.Therapy tries to support evolution of capacities to nourish each other.

Mystics also attest to impalpable, ineffable awareness.This is a very real capacity that stamps experience.It plays an important role in creativity, personal transformation and deformation, and also horrendous individual and group scenarios.For we squeeze a sense of the infinite into time-space scripts that can be uplifting or murderous or both.Note the fusion of infinite satisfactions in suicide bombing, where devotion and obliteration merge, an approach to a totalistic experience that is hard to match in ability to satisfy competing strivings.

How to confess we are at a loss what to do with ourselves, with all we are and have been given, with all we can do?! We are like babies who have not yet developed frames of reference that do justice to experience, this sense of being, streams not only of sensations, but infinities of worlds within and without.I am glad you love the sentence you ask me about.It shows a love of the mystery we are part of.

RM:I am confused by the discussion in your book Damaged Bonds regarding the idea that with traumatized or what Bion refers to as “shattered” patients, the analyst needs to “dream the patient”.“Dream” in the sense of imagine? Or literally dream as in during sleep? Or both?

ME:Bion remarks in Cogitations, “I am his other self and it is a dream.”You let this resonate, let it seep in.Sometimes I play with a resonant statement like this:I am his other.I am his dream.I am his other dream. We are indeed each other’s selves, each other’s dreams.

In Cogitations, Bion develops the notion that dreaming is part of our psychic digestive system.In Damaged Bonds and other places, I somewhat rework this and put it this way. Dreams, in part, help initiate digestion of catastrophic impacts.They help feed trauma globs into the stream of experience and try to begin the processing of injury.Often we don’t know what wounds us or the extent of the wound.It hits and if there are enough hits or big enough hits, we are in danger of going under.We deform to work with unbearable impacts.There is always more than we can ever possibly digest.But we try to break off, bite off some bit of trauma glob or chunk and chew on it, turn it this way and that, dream it, rework it, develop expressive symbols and gestures.In some form or other, through dance, music, painting, poetry, hopefully psychotherapy, we slowly develop, over thousands of years, an emotional language, a digestive language.

Politics, economics, public affairs potentially does this too.With modern technology the stakes are greater, nearly instantaneously global.And if the digestive process goes wrong- and often it does- we are left with global representations of trauma that escalate the trauma chain, increase the trauma momentum.The digestive system is broken.

Bion calls attention to the deep fact that our emotional digestive system can be damaged, our psychic digestive system damaged, dream-work damaged, primary process damaged.The impact of massive trauma is through and through.It is not a matter, as in the old model, of secondary process working on primary process.The new model is that primary process itself plays an important role in the digestion of affects. And if primary process is warped and damage, no amount of secondary process “correction” will correct this.We will add warp upon warp and make the whole in some way even more monstrous.It would be a macabre caricature to say we are in danger of chronic psychic indigestion.The situation is much worse. People are paying for this damaged capacity with their lives.

That is why in Psychic Deadness, in a chapter called “Primary Process and Shock”, I call the analyst an auxiliary dream processor, rather than auxiliary ego.For primary process needs long-term support.And this support partly comes by profound self-to-self interweaving, unconscious permeability, in which we taste each other’s self-substance, a kind of mutual steeping.It is a process that is needed in cultural as well as personal dreamwork.

RM:You (like Winnicott, Bion, and Lacan) have found a personal language, a unique voice in psychoanalysis and methodology.Your idiosyncratic use of language, the experience-near aspect of reading your work manifests, I feel, from the ability to blend the deeply personal with the historical-theoretical.Your work is at times unabashedly autobiographical, experiential, and self-revealing.In light of the issue of self-disclosure in psychoanalytic work, please comment on the evolution and use of your personal experience in your analytic work.
You often cluster your thoughts/observations/case studies around specific human emotions/feelings:e.g.Lust, Rage, Ecstasy.Why these particular emotions, and how has this methodology served to express your professional experiences/observations?

ME:Thanks, Regina, for these thoughts.Let me try putting these two questions together.When I wroteEcstasy my intent was to give expression to something that made my life worthwhile, something at the very heart of my experience.An ecstatic core at the heart of life.Yet when I got into it and tried to let come out what wanted to speak, I found myself gravitating more and more to destructive ecstasies.For there is something about ecstatic destruction that is world threatening at this moment of history.Destruction of the conditions that support life, the atmosphere, the water, the air.The hole in the ozone layer parallels a hole in our own selves through which toxins spill, emotional toxins, affective attitudes that damage rather than support existence.This is happening on a wide scale with accelerating momentum. But there must be something we can do.

When I speak about damaged primary process and dream-work, I am speaking about damaged processes that support emotional life, that support psychic life, that support us.We breathe each other as feeling beings, breathe in feelings and attitudes and expel them too.We live in a psychic atmosphere that is very sensitive.We have sensitivity that can evolve to support our psychic atmosphere and enable it to support us. But we seem to be heading in another direction and getting a kick out of doing so.

Our current bully government seems to get well-nigh ecstatic from the exercise of power, even though they are like drunk elephants in the china shop of the world.They know what they are doing.They know how to make fortunes and create power for themselves and their corporate base.But they do not seem to care about the damage their jouissance causes.A kind of psychopathic element rules the day.But it is not the only element.It is now the only path we can take.So many of us want something better, fuller, more caring than this.A caring for the conditions that support life.A caring for the emotional conditions that support us.A caring for our human health, which is falling behind the pace of spiritual toxic spills.

The second book in this series, Rage, caught a ruling feeling of the time.Everyday news reports spoke of one kind of rage or another, race rage, terrorist rage, road rage, computer rage,alcoholic-addictive rage, you name it.Rage appeared to be a core affect in our nation and I tried to put some tracers on it.I tried to turn the experience of rage around, something like a kaleidoscope, and touch it in many contexts from many angles.Through art, literature, religion, clinical sessions, politics.I used anything I could, anything that was part of me, that could let rage speak and dig into and open our rage world.There is, for example, a smoldering rage against the inflated power egos that flaunt dumbfounding success while multitudes look on and cringe.Great Macy parade balloon egos inflated with and feeding on the resentment of many, playing with fire.

The last book in this series, Lust, just came out this year.My own experiences of lust, ecstasy, rage play an important role in these works.But lust, too, took me deeper into the body politic and the lust for power.It straddles individual and group activities.A particular lust dear to me, writing lust, poetry lust received some care and poets will, I think, like what I say about their particular addiction - what poetry opens.

Tradition tells us death haunts lust and this notion is no stranger to psychoanalysis.I use some of Lacan’s writings on death in lust to heighten the interplay of our pairing of lust and mortality.A premature dying haunts experience, as if we drag a kind of self-deadening process like a weight.Self-deadening we try to deny.Again, I fear, if we don’t find ways to face this coupling of heightened aliveness-self deadening, we will create overly destructive mimicry of these states.We are doing so with alarming consistency in public affairs where sensitivity to human feeling is for losers.

My latest book, Feeling Matters, should be out any month, any day. It builds on these themes and pleas for the importance of feeling in personal life and in public life.It shows how insensitivity spirals, wreaking havoc on a national and global scale. In one chapter, for example, “Election Rape”, I trace the resonance between a case of child abuse and this same person as an adult feeling raped by the 2000 presidential election and much that followed.She was sensitized to rape in daily life and felt it keenly in the body politic as well as in her own body.A confluence between childhood trauma and adult trauma opened reality in important ways.

While this new book is concerned with fits between personal and group trauma, it also opens domains beyond trauma and appeals to an ethics of sensitivity with psycho-spiritual roots.This work explores ways that faith meets catastrophic impacts and helps support beginnings of processing them, ways of working with them.An affirmation of life in the midst of horror.We have much work to do.

Thank you, Regina, for your questions, your care, your exuberant sensitivity.

Barbara Ehrenreich presents a sharp-witted knockdown of America's love affair with positive thinking and an urgent call for a new commitment to realism.Americans are a "positive" people -- cheerful, optimistic, and upbeat: this is our reputation as well as our self-image.

To view the video please click here.

TED Talks "If I should have a daughter, instead of Mom, she's gonna call me Point B ... "

In the spring of 1992, out of the blue, the fax machine in Richard Davidson's office at the department of psychology at the University of Wisconsin at Madison spit out a letter from Tenzin Gyatso, the 14th Dalai Lama. Davidson, a Harvard-trained neuroscientist, was making a name for himself studying the nature of positive emotion, and word of his accomplishments had made it to northern India. The exiled spiritual leader of Tibetan Buddhists was writing to offer the minds of his monks -- in particular, their meditative prowess -- for scientific research.

Most self-respecting American neuroscientists would shrink from, if not flee, an invitation to study Buddhist meditation, viewing the topic as impossibly fuzzy and, as Davidson recently conceded, ''very flaky.'' But the Wisconsin professor, a longtime meditator himself -- he took leave from graduate school to travel through India and Sri Lanka to learn Eastern meditation practices -- leapt at the opportunity. In September 1992, he organized and embarked on an ambitious data-gathering expedition to northern India, lugging portable electrical generators, laptop computers and electroencephalographic (EEG) recording equipment into the foothills of the Himalayas. His goal was to measure a remarkable, if seemingly evanescent, entity: the neural characteristics of the Buddhist mind at work. ''These are the Olympic athletes, the gold medalists, of meditation,'' Davidson says.

The work began fitfully -- the monks initially balked at being wired -- but research into meditation has now attained a credibility unimaginable a decade ago. Over the past 10 years, a number of Buddhist monks, led by Matthieu Ricard, a French-born monk with a Ph.D. in molecular biology, have made a series of visits from northern India and other South Asian countries to Davidson's lab in Madison. Ricard and his peers have worn a Medusa-like tangle of 256-electrode EEG nets while sitting on the floor of a little booth and responding to visual stimuli. They have spent two to three hours at a time in a magnetic resonance imaging machine, trying to meditate amid the clatter and thrum of the brain-imaging machinery.

No data from these experiments have been published formally yet, but in ''Visions of Compassion,'' a compilation of papers that came out last year, Davidson noted in passing that in one visiting monk, activation in several regions of his left prefrontal cortex -- an area of the brain just behind the forehead that recent research has associated with positive emotion -- was the most intense seen in about 175 experimental subjects.

In the years since Davidson's fax from the Dalai Lama, the neuroscientific study of Buddhist practices has crossed a threshold of acceptability as a topic worthy of scientific attention. Part of the reason for this lies in new, more powerful brain-scanning technologies that not only can reveal a mind in the midst of meditation but also can detect enduring changes in brain activity months after a prolonged course of meditation. And it hasn't hurt that some well-known mainstream neuroscientists are now intrigued by preliminary reports of exceptional Buddhist mental skills. Paul Ekman of the University of California at San Francisco and Stephen Kosslyn of Harvard have begun their own studies of the mental capabilities of monks. In addition, a few rigorous, controlled studies have suggested that Buddhist-style meditation in Western patients may cause physiological changes in the brain and the immune system.

This growing, if sometimes grudging, respect for the biology of meditation is achieving a milestone of sorts this weekend, when some of the country's leading neuroscientists and behavioral scientists are meeting with Tibetan Buddhists, including the Dalai Lama himself, at a symposium held at M.I.T. ''You can think of the monks as cases that show what the potential is here,'' Dr. Jon Kabat-Zinn, an emeritus professor of medicine at the University of Massachusetts Medical School who has pioneered work in the health benefits of meditation, says. ''But you don't have to be weird or a Buddhist or sitting on top of a mountain in India to derive benefits from this. This kind of study is in its infancy, but we're on the verge of discovering hugely fascinating things.''

In the 2,500-year history of Buddhism, the religion has directed its energy inward in an attempt to train the mind to understand the mental state of happiness, to identify and defuse sources of negative emotion and to cultivate emotional states like compassion to improve personal and societal well-being. For decades, scientific research in this country has focused on the short-term effects of meditation on the nervous system, finding that meditation reduces markers of stress like heart rate and perspiration. This research became the basis for the ''relaxation response'' popularized by Prof. Herbert Benson of Harvard in the 1970's. Buddhist practice, however, emphasizes enduring changes in mental activity, not just short-term results. And it is the neural and physical impact of the long-term changes, achieved after years of intense practice, that is increasingly intriguing to scientists.

''In Buddhist tradition,'' Davidson explains, '''meditation' is a word that is equivalent to a word like 'sports' in the U.S. It's a family of activity, not a single thing.'' Each of these meditative practices calls on different mental skills, according to Buddhist practitioners. The Wisconsin researchers, for example, are focusing on three common forms of Buddhist meditation. ''One is focused attention, where they specifically train themselves to focus on a single object for long periods of time,'' Davidson says. ''The second area is where they voluntarily cultivate compassion. It's something they do every day, and they have special exercises where they envision negative events, something that causes anger or irritability, and then transform it and infuse it with an antidote, which is compassion. They say they are able to do it just like that,'' he says, snapping his fingers. ''The third is called 'open presence.' It is a state of being acutely aware of whatever thought, emotion or sensation is present, without reacting to it. They describe it as pure awareness.''

The fact that the brain can learn, adapt and molecularly resculpture itself on the basis of experience and training suggests that meditation may leave a biological residue in the brain -- a residue that, with the increasing sophistication of new technology, might be captured and measured. ''This fits into the whole neuroscience literature of expertise,'' says Stephen Kosslyn, a Harvard neuroscientist, ''where taxi drivers are studied for their spatial memory and concert musicians are studied for their sense of pitch. If you do something, anything, even play Ping-Pong, for 20 years, eight hours a day, there's going to be something in your brain that's different from someone who didn't do that. It's just got to be.''

Jonathan D. Cohen, an expert on attention and cognitive control at Princeton, has been intrigued by reports that certain Buddhist adepts can maintain focus for extended periods. ''Our experience -- and the laboratory evidence is abundant -- is that humans have a limited capacity for attention,'' he says. ''When we try to sustain attention for longer periods of time, like air-traffic controllers have to do, we consider it incredibly effortful and stressful. Buddhism is all about the ability to direct attention flexibly, and they talk about this state of sustained and focused attention that is pleasant, no longer stressful.''

If nothing else, the meeting at M.I.T. this weekend shows that Davidson, one of its principal organizers, has managed to persuade a lot of marquee names to join him in making the case that it has become scientifically respectable to investigate these practices. Participants include mainstream scientists like Eric Lander, a leader of the human genome project; Cohen, a prominent researcher into the neural mechanisms of moral and economic decision-making; and Daniel Kahneman, the Nobel-Prize-winning Princeton economist who has pioneered research into the psychology of financial decision-making.

''Neuroscientists want to preserve both the substance and the image of rigor in their approach, so one doesn't want to be seen as whisking out into the la-la land of studying consciousness,'' concedes Cohen, who is chairman of a session at the M.I.T. meeting. ''On the other hand, my personal belief is that the history of science has humbled us about the hubris of thinking we know everything.''

The ''Monk experiments'' at Madison are beginning to intersect with a handful of small but suggestive studies showing that Buddhist-style meditation may have not only emotional effects but also distinct physiological effects. That is, the power of meditation might be harnessed by non-Buddhists in a way that along with reducing stress and defusing negative emotion, improves things like immune function as well.

The power of the mind to influence bodily function has long been of interest to scientists, especially connections between the nervous, immune and endocrine systems. Janice Kiecolt-Glaser and Ronald Glaser, researchers at Ohio State University, for example, have done a series of studies showing that stress typically impairs immune function, though the exact woof and weave of these connections remains unclear.

Interestingly enough, the Buddhist subjects themselves are largely open to scientific explanation of their practices. ''Buddhism is, like science, based on experience and investigation, not on dogma,'' Matthieu Ricard explained in an e-mail message to me last month. The religion can be thought of as ''a contemplative science,'' he wrote, adding, ''the Buddha always said that one should not accept his teachings simply out of respect for him, but rediscover their truth through our own experience, as when checking the quality of a piece of gold by rubbing it on a piece on stone, melting it and so on.''

In July, I joined Davidson and several colleagues as they stood in a control room and watched an experiment in progress. On a television monitor in the control room, a young woman sat in a chair in a nearby room, alone with her thoughts. Those thoughts -- and, more specifically, the way she tried to control them when provoked -- were the point of the experiment.

Davidson hypothesizes that a component of a person's emotional makeup reflects the relative strength, or asymmetry, of activity between two sides of the prefrontal cortex -- the left side, which Davidson's work argues is associated with positive emotion, and the right side, where heightened activity has been associated with anxiety, depression and other mood disorders.

His research group has conducted experiments on infants and the elderly, amateur meditators and Eastern adepts, in an attempt to define a complex neural circuit that connects the prefrontal cortex to other brain structures like the amygdala, which is the seat of fear, and the anterior cingulate, which is associated with ''conflict-monitoring.'' Some experiments have also shown that greater left-sided prefrontal activation is associated with enhanced immunological activity by natural killer cells and other immune markers.

When one scientist in the control room said, ''All right, here comes the first picture,'' the young woman visibly tensed, gripping her elbows. Electrodes snaked out of her scalp and from two spots just below her right eye. And then, staring into a monitor, the young woman watched as a succession of mostly disturbing images flashed on a screen in front of her -- a horribly mutilated body, a severed hand, a venomous snake poised to strike. Through earphones, the woman was prompted to modulate her emotional response as each image appeared, either to enhance it or suppress it, while the electrodes below her eye surreptitiously tapped into a neural circuit that would indicate if she had successfully modified either a positive or negative emotional response to the images.

''What's being measured,'' Davidson explained, ''is a person's capacity to voluntarily regulate their emotional reactions.''

Daren Jackson, the lead researcher on the study, added, ''Meditation may facilitate more rapid, spontaneous recovery from negative reactions.''

The visiting monks, as well as a group of meditating office workers at a nearby biotech company, have viewed these same gruesome images for the same purpose: to determine what Davidson calls each individual's ''affective style'' (if they are prone, for example, to hang onto negative emotional reactions) and if that style can be modulated by mental effort, of the sort that meditation seeks to cultivate. It is the hope of Davidson and his sometime collaborator Jon Kabat-Zinn that the power of meditation can be harnessed to promote not only emotional well-being but also physical health.

Since founding the Stress Reduction Clinic at the University of Massachusetts Medical School in 1979, Kabat-Zinn and colleagues have treated 16,000 patients and taught more than 2,000 health professionals the techniques of ''mindfulness meditation,'' which instructs a Buddhist-inspired ''nonjudgmental,'' total awareness of the present moment as a way of reducing stress. Along the way, Kabat-Zinn has published small but intriguing studies showing that people undergoing treatment for psoriasis heal four times as fast if they meditate; that cancer patients practicing meditation had significantly better emotional outlooks than a control group; and not only that meditation relieved symptoms in patients with anxiety and chronic pain but also that the benefits persisted up to four years after training. Kabat-Zinn is conducting a study for Cigna HealthCare to see if meditation reduces the costs of treating patients with chronic fatigue syndrome, fibromyalgia and irritable bowel syndrome.

For the time being, meditation science is still stuck in a cultural no-man's land between being an oxymoron and something more substantive. ''We're very early in the research,'' said Davidson, who admitted that ''the vast majority of meditation research is schlock.'' But a well-designed study published in July by Davidson, Kabat-Zinn and their colleagues provides further evidence that the topic is legitimate.

In July 1997, Davidson recruited human subjects at a small biotech company outside Madison called Promega to study the effects of Buddhist-style meditation on the neural and immunological activity of ordinary American office workers. The employees' brains were wired and measured before they began a course in meditation training taught by Kabat-Zinn. It was a controlled, randomized study, and after eight weeks, the researchers would test brain and immune markers to assess the effects of meditation.

There was reluctance among some employees to volunteer, but eventually, about four dozen employees participated in the study. Once a week for eight weeks, Kabat-Zinn would show up at Promega with his boom box, his red and purple meditation tape cassettes and his Tibetan chimes, and the assembled Promega employees -- scientists, marketing people, lab techs and even some managers -- would sit on the floor of a conference room and practice mindfulness for three hours.

In July, the results of the experiment at Promega were published in the journal Psychosomatic Medicine, and they suggest that meditation may indeed leave a discernible and lasting imprint on the minds and bodies of its practitioners. Among the Promega employees who practiced meditation for two months, the Wisconsin researchers detected significant increases in activity in several areas of the left prefrontal cortex -- heightened activity that persisted for at least four months after the experiment, when the subjects were tested again. Moreover, the meditators who showed the greatest increase in prefrontal activity after training showed a correspondingly more robust ability to churn out antibodies in response to receiving a flu vaccine. The findings, Kabat-Zinn suggested, demonstrated qualitative shifts in brain activity after only two months of meditation that mirror preliminary results seen in expert meditators like monks.

These results are still embraced cautiously, at best. Indeed, the Wisconsin study took five years to publish in part because several higher-profile journals to which it was submitted refused even to send it out for peer review, according to Davidson. And yet, by the time the study was over, the subjective experience of participants complemented the objective data: meditation ultimately left people feeling healthier, more positive and less stressed. ''I really am an empiricist in every aspect of my life,'' said Michael Slater, a molecular biologist at Promega. ''I doubt dogma, and I test it. I do it at the laboratory bench, but also in my personal life. So this appealed to me, because I could feel the reduction in stress. I could tell I was less irritable. I had more capacity to take on more stressors. My wife felt I was easier to be around. So there were tangible impacts. For an empiricist, that was enough.''

Granted, that's not enough for many other people, especially the scientific skeptics. But Slater made an offhand comment that struck me as a highly convincing, though thoroughly unofficial, form of peer review. ''My wife,'' Slater said quietly, ''is dying for me to start meditating again.''

Meditation and the Brain New imaging technology makes it possible for scientists to document the brain activity of Buddhist monks.By Curt NewtonFebruary 2004The Dalai Lama is a revered spiritual figure and Tibet’s leader-in-exile. He’s also the 1989 Nobel Peace Prize winner and a friendly face on the dust jackets of popular inspirational books. But a wannabe engineer? Indeed, His Holiness has often quipped that engineering would have been his preferred path had he not become a monk. But it was brain science, not engineering, that brought the Dalai Lama to MIT last September for the Investigating the Mind conference, which explored how scientific and Buddhist viewpoints on human consciousness can inform each other. In front of a sellout crowd of 1,200 in MIT’s Kresge Auditorium, the Dalai Lama and Buddhist scholars traded insights and questions with neuroscientists and psychologists on such topics as attention, mental imagery, and emotion. Discussions of science are of deep personal interest to the Dalai Lama, who has held similar meetings in private with esteemed scholars for decades. But this conference—organized by the Boulder, CO-based Mind and Life Institute and cosponsored by MIT’s new McGovern Institute for Brain Research—was the first such meeting opened to the public. Those involved hope the event will spark more rigorous, collaborative research between Buddhists and Western scientists, who have long held diametrically opposed views on how the brain functions. For example, Buddhists view mental attributes such as temperament as skills to be cultivated, while Western scientists generally believe that such traits are fixed in the brain at a young age. But modern neuroscience and the advent of new imaging technology have challenged scientists to think more broadly about how the brain functions. “This conference will explore how Buddhists and scientists can collaborate in research, to look at the advisability and wisdom of that research, and to plot strategies and methodologies,” said Adam Engle, chairman of the Mind and Life Institute, before the event. “The participation of the Dalai Lama along with so many leading scientists and Buddhist scholars will make this conference historic.” While the conference certainly pushed the envelope of neuroscience research, the field has already benefited from the study of Buddhist subjects. New imaging technologies are allowing researchers to document the brain activity of monks, and research centers are well equipped to study meditative training and its broader neurological implications.Science and MeditationOn a stage filled with sunflowers and white overstuffed chairs, the juxtaposition of tweed coats and saffron robes signaled that this was no ordinary technical session. Instead, the panel addressed such questions as the nature of emotion—the individual’s tendency to be happy or angry. The panel compared standard Western and Buddhist models—emotional traits as in-born or subject to training—their underlying assumptions, and the prospects for controlled research on the topic.Such comparisons led to occasional good-natured clashes. For instance, Harvard University psychology professor Stephen Kosslyn, an authority on mental imagery, was at once perplexed and enthralled by reports of trained Buddhist monks maintaining intricate mental images for hours with no loss of detail, exclaiming, “By my understanding of how the brain works, that should not be possible!” Nonetheless, the Dalai Lama’s persistent gentle humor helped weave philosophical and scientific perspectives together.While the collaboration seems an unusual pairing at first, it suits the mandates of both Buddhist practice and scientific openness. The Dalai Lama notes that both traditions encourage challenging dogma based on observation and analysis, and a willingness to revise views based on empirical evidence. Western scientists have clearly excelled at both in the external physical realm. Meanwhile, Buddhists have devised rigorous methods to observe and control their inner worlds. And to conference panelist Eric Lander, director of the Whitehead Institute for Biomedical Research’s Center for Genome Research at MIT, shared motivations like curiosity about the world and the desire to alleviate suffering suggest this will be a fruitful partnership.But this desire to collaborate is not new. Scientists began studying meditation several decades ago. In his seminal 1970s research, Harvard Medical School cardiologist Herbert Benson found that even a highly simplified form of meditation produced sustained physiological benefits such as reduced heart, metabolic, and breathing rates. His 1975 bestseller The Relaxation Response detailed the first scientific validation of meditative practice and fostered the growth of stress reduction clinics in workplaces, hospitals, and other settings. But until recently, there has been no reliable way to collect objective data on purported mental effects such as sharpened mental focus, freedom from negative judgments, and increased compassion.Advances in functional magnetic-resonance imaging (fMRI) have opened the dynamics of the human brain to objective study. Recent fMRI studies on brain activity suggest that moods and dispositions are rooted in specific regions of the organ. For example, positive states of mind are marked by high activity in the left frontal area, while activity in the right frontal area coincides with negative states.Just as physiologists study well-trained athletes to understand the body, neuroscientists are focusing on monks, who often meditate more than 10 hours per day, to understand the brain. These preliminary studies, while far from definitive, are challenging scientific views on the brain’s ultimate capabilities and point to intriguing directions for future research.In the conference session on emotions, Richard Davidson, a neuroscientist at the University of Wisconsin, detailed some pilot research described in Daniel Goleman’s 2003 book Destructive Emotions. Davidson has used fMRI and electroencephalography (EEG) to image the brains of six monks, including conference panelist Matthieu Ricard, during and outside of meditation. When Davidson asked the monks to induce a state of compassion in themselves, they showed a much greater shift toward left frontal brain activity than subjects untrained in meditation.Of course, the monk lifestyle isn’t for everyone. So a recently published study on the effects of short meditation sessions with novice practitioners is perhaps of greater relevance to the rest of us. As reported in the journal Psychosomatic Medicine, Davidson and Jon Kabat-Zinn, a medical professor at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst, conducted a small controlled study of “mindfulness meditation” training for employees of a small biotech firm. Four months after an eight-week meditation course, the researchers found that emotional and immune system benefits persisted—with just 15-minute meditation sessions only two or three times a week.

 

Continuing with what is becoming a series on brain neuroplasticity and what it means for those of us who have been told we can never recover. I suggest that proclamation is hogwash!

Taken from the Dalai Lama’s website for educational purposes:

(Sharon Begley, Wall Street Journal) Dalai Lama helps scientists show the power of the mind to sculpt our gray matter.

Although science and religion are often in conflict, the Dalai Lama takes a different approach. Every year or so the head of Tibetan Buddhism invites a group of scientists to his home in Dharamsala, in Northern India, to discuss their work and how Buddhism might contribute to it.

In 2004 the subject was neuroplasticity, the ability of the brain to change its structure and function in response to experience. The following are vignettes adapted from “Train Your Mind, Change Your Brain,” which describes this emerging area of science:

The Dalai Lama, who had watched a brain operation during a visit to an American medical school over a decade earlier, asked the surgeons a startling question: Can the mind shape brain matter?

Over the years, he said, neuroscientists had explained to him that mental experiences reflect chemical and electrical changes in the brain. When electrical impulses zip through our visual cortex, for instance, we see; when neurochemicals course through the limbic system we feel.

But something had always bothered him about this explanation, the Dalai Lama said. Could it work the other way around? That is, in addition to the brain giving rise to thoughts and hopes and beliefs and emotions that add up to this thing we call the mind, maybe the mind also acts back on the brain to cause physical changes in the very matter that created it. If so, then pure thought would change the brain’s activity, its circuits or even its structure.

One brain surgeon hardly paused. Physical states give rise to mental states, he asserted; “downward” causation from the mental to the physical is not possible. The Dalai Lama let the matter drop. This wasn’t the first time a man of science had dismissed the possibility that the mind can change the brain. But “I thought then and still think that there is yet no scientific basis for such a categorical claim,” he later explained. “I am interested in the extent to which the mind itself, and specific subtle thoughts, may have an influence upon the brain.”

The Dalai Lama had put his finger on an emerging revolution in brain research. In the last decade of the 20th century, neuroscientists overthrew the dogma that the adult brain can’t change. To the contrary, its structure and activity can morph in response to experience, an ability called neuroplasticity. The discovery has led to promising new treatments for children with dyslexia and for stroke patients, among others.

But the brain changes that were discovered in the first rounds of the neuroplasticity revolution reflected input from the outside world. For instance, certain synthesized speech can alter the auditory cortex of dyslexic kids in a way that lets their brains hear previously garbled syllables; intensely practiced movements can alter the motor cortex of stroke patients and allow them to move once paralyzed arms or legs.

The kind of change the Dalai Lama asked about was different. It would come from inside. Something as intangible and insubstantial as a thought would rewire the brain. To the mandarins of neuroscience, the very idea seemed as likely as the wings of a butterfly leaving a dent on an armored tank.

Neuroscientist Helen Mayberg had not endeared herself to the pharmaceutical industry by discovering, in 2002, that inert pills — placebos — work the same way on the brains of depressed people as antidepressants do. Activity in the frontal cortex, the seat of higher thought, increased; activity in limbic regions, which specialize in emotions, fell. She figured that cognitive-behavioral therapy, in which patients learn to think about their thoughts differently, would act by the same mechanism.

At the University of Toronto, Dr. Mayberg, Zindel Segal and their colleagues first used brain imaging to measure activity in the brains of depressed adults. Some of these volunteers then received paroxetine (the generic name of the antidepressant Paxil), while others underwent 15 to 20 sessions of cognitive-behavior therapy, learning not to catastrophize. That is, they were taught to break their habit of interpreting every little setback as a calamity, as when they conclude from a lousy date that no one will ever love them.

All the patients’ depression lifted, regardless of whether their brains were infused with a powerful drug or with a different way of thinking. Yet the only “drugs” that the cognitive-therapy group received were their own thoughts.

The scientists scanned their patients’ brains again, expecting that the changes would be the same no matter which treatment they received, as Dr. Mayberg had found in her placebo study. But no. “We were totally dead wrong,” she says. Cognitive-behavior therapy muted overactivity in the frontal cortex, the seat of reasoning, logic, analysis and higher thought. The antidepressant raised activity there. Cognitive-behavior therapy raised activity in the limbic system, the brain’s emotion center. The drug lowered activity there.

With cognitive therapy, says Dr. Mayberg, the brain is rewired “to adopt different thinking circuits.”

Such discoveries of how the mind can change the brain have a spooky quality that makes you want to cue the “Twilight Zone” theme, but they rest on a solid foundation of animal studies. Attention, for instance, seems like one of those ephemeral things that comes and goes in the mind but has no real physical presence. Yet attention can alter the layout of the brain as powerfully as a sculptor’s knife can alter a slab of stone.

That was shown dramatically in an experiment with monkeys in 1993. Scientists at the University of California, San Francisco, rigged up a device that tapped monkeys’ fingers 100 minutes a day every day. As this bizarre dance was playing on their fingers, the monkeys heard sounds through headphones. Some of the monkeys were taught: Ignore the sounds and pay attention to what you feel on your fingers, because when you tell us it changes we’ll reward you with a sip of juice. Other monkeys were taught: Pay attention to the sound, and if you indicate when it changes you’ll get juice.

After six weeks, the scientists compared the monkeys’ brains. Usually, when a spot on the skin receives unusual amounts of stimulation, the amount of cortex that processes touch expands. That was what the scientists found in the monkeys that paid attention to the taps: The somatosensory region that processes information from the fingers doubled or tripled. But when the monkeys paid attention to the sounds, there was no such expansion. Instead, the region of their auditory cortex that processes the frequency they heard increased.

Through attention, UCSF’s Michael Merzenich and a colleague wrote, “We choose and sculpt how our ever-changing minds will work, we choose who we will be the next moment in a very real sense, and these choices are left embossed in physical form on our material selves.”

The discovery that neuroplasticity cannot occur without attention has important implications. If a skill becomes so routine you can do it on autopilot, practicing it will no longer change the brain. And if you take up mental exercises to keep your brain young, they will not be as effective if you become able to do them without paying much attention.

Since the 1990s, the Dalai Lama had been lending monks and lamas to neuroscientists for studies of how meditation alters activity in the brain. The idea was not to document brain changes during meditation but to see whether such mental training produces enduring changes in the brain.

All the Buddhist “adepts” — experienced meditators — who lent their brains to science had practiced meditation for at least 10,000 hours. One by one, they made their way to the basement lab of Richard Davidson at the University of Wisconsin, Madison. He and his colleagues wired them up like latter-day Medusas, a tangle of wires snaking from their scalps to the lectroencephalograph that would record their brain waves.

Eight Buddhist adepts and 10 volunteers who had had a crash course in meditation engaged in the form of meditation called nonreferential compassion. In this state, the meditator focuses on unlimited compassion and loving kindness toward all living beings.

As the volunteers began meditating, one kind of brain wave grew exceptionally strong: gamma waves. These, scientists believe, are a signature of neuronal activity that knits together far-flung circuits — consciousness, in a sense. Gamma waves appear when the brain brings together different features of an object, such as look, feel, sound and other attributes that lead the brain to its aha moment of, yup, that’s an armadillo.

Some of the novices “showed a slight but significant increase in the gamma signal,” Prof. Davidson explained to the Dalai Lama. But at the moment the monks switched on compassion meditation, the gamma signal began rising and kept rising. On its own, that is hardly astounding: Everything the mind does has a physical correlate, so the gamma waves (much more intense than in the novice meditators) might just have been the mark of compassion meditation.

Except for one thing. In between meditations, the gamma signal in the monks never died down. Even when they were not meditating, their brains were different from the novices’ brains, marked by waves associated with perception, problem solving and consciousness. Moreover, the more hours of meditation training a monk had had, the stronger and more enduring the gamma signal.

It was something Prof. Davidson had been seeking since he trekked into the hills above Dharamsala to study lamas and monks: evidence that mental training can create an enduring brain trait.

Prof. Davidson then used fMRI imaging to detect which regions of the monks’ and novices’ brains became active during compassion meditation. The brains of all the subjects showed activity in regions that monitor one’s emotions, plan movements, and generate positive feelings such as happiness. Regions that keep track of what is self and what is other became quieter, as if during compassion meditation the subjects opened their minds and hearts to others.

More interesting were the differences between the monks and the novices. The monks had much greater activation in brain regions called the right insula and caudate, a network that underlies empathy and maternal love. They also had stronger connections from the frontal regions to the emotion regions, which is the pathway by which higher thought can control emotions.

In each case, monks with the most hours of meditation showed the most dramatic brain changes. That was a strong hint that mental training makes it easier for the brain to turn on circuits that underlie compassion and empathy.

“This positive state is a skill that can be trained,” Prof. Davidson says. “Our findings clearly indicate that meditation can change the function of the brain in an enduring way.”

Everybody in my generation and before has a personal story to tell about Cohen. A bit like the “where were you when Kennedy got killed or when Diana died in the car crash”. Everybody remembers those moments of hearing the news.

Where were you when you first heard Cohen sing? Those moments became parts of our personal mythology, in spite of an obvious lack of the personal connection.

Nick Cave as one of interpreters of Leonard Cohen’s music in the “I am Your Man “ movie has talked about his first life changing encounter with his album, “Songs of Love and Hate”: In his youth, in the conservative and bland atmosphere of Wangaratta, Cave suddenly felt he was “the coolest person”, having discovered Cohen, the music that “separated him from everything and everyone he detested”. Knowing Cohen’s music “changed things” for him. It changed things in a very personal way.

I certainly felt the same in Budapest at a time when even getting hold of his music involved major challenges, not to mention the privilege one felt being a part of the world he represented.

Yes, being a part of something really “cool”, important, beautiful and soul touching is what Cohen’s fans repeatedly experience.

Cohen invites you into his personal world, to engage with, or to merge with, if you like. This is in the centre of his talent in engaging the audience in singing, writing and in his being.

Every time I wanted to analyse why I was crazy about his songs, I had to admit in the cold light of truth that his songs are beautiful, but very simple, he is not a musician, he has never actually considered himself as one. His skills on the guitar are basic, his voice, his “golden voice” is everything but classically beautiful. His poetry? Well, he is not bad as a poet, but certainly not extraordinary. However, put all elements in his presentation together in a mix, and you get great art. So what is it about him then, that makes him in my opinion one of the greatest artists of his generation and what is it that sustainedly kept him in the centre of art-consciousness all over the world for over 40 years.

His value as an artis has always been extensively analysed and debated by literary and musical critics. Everybody has experienced but nobody could explain the charismatic allure that Cohen’s voice and personal being radiate. A music journalist, Robert Christyan has asked the same question in a documentary review on Cohen’s work: “Why is it the Leonard Cohen makes you feel intimate with him?” This is exactly what he does; when you enter his songs, you enter into an intimate relationship with Cohen.

One of my influential co-fans of Cohen, who helped me to get to know his songs better and more of them, was my lovely cousin, a New Yorker. When we met “we were almost young”. I was learning English via Cohen songs, and he already had a life long passion for his work.

Much later he interviewed Cohen for his magazine, and felt quite nervous leading up to the meeting. He was afraid to meet Cohen personally, for one reason only, to avoid the potential corruption of his somewhat idealized “inner Cohen” by an encounter with the real person. He called me after the interview, happy, and sent me a recording of the conversation.

He found Cohen an engaging, interesting and a NICE person to be with. At the end of the interview, the “Great Cohen” was interested in finding out about my cousin, engaging him in an intimate conversation which left a long lasting impression.

Evidently, most people who worked with or befriended him had the same opinion. They all talk about him with acknowledgement, respect, and genuine appreciation.

Ira Nadell, one of his biographers says: “Leonard is not interested in entertaining, he is interested in engaging both in person and in music.” So how does he do it?

Cohen has the ability to reach into his own personal world so deeply that every song, every note and every poem draws you in. He creates such a powerful pull which some identify as a hypnotic like trance. A subtle vibration in his voice creates a certain quality that contributes to that hypnotic effect.

A rich and powerful metaphorical world opens up in his poetry that calls for a “travelling with”, an enticing process of discovery.


Still, I believe, the key to his genius is that he invites you into a personal relationship by his willingness and capacity to expose his own personal world.

At his live performances the audiences live the songs, his inner world with him, as he is living it on stage.

Anthi wrote something similar about Ibsen, the playwright:

His aspirations played an important role in his relation to the public who came to admire him. To call forth such deep engagement in others is only possible through an elaborative and creative transformation of personal narcissism. Unelaborated and untransformed narcissism cannot engage an audience. (Anthi, P.R. (1981). Ibsen. Narcissism and Creativity. Scand. Psychoanal. Rev., 4:161-176.

Cohen reaches out by reaching in. This is one of the true paradoxes about him, the man of paradox. In fact Cohen is the man of paradoxical engagements.

His intimate relationships in his own life seem to have a paradoxical nature: he thirsts for intimacy but runs from the permanency of romantic relationships.

He loves structure, discipline and ritualistic lifestyle, while at the same time he is a drunk, a drug addict and an unpredictable womaniser.

He is crazy about women, but can spend a thousand nights in a Buddhist monastery, sleeping alone.

He applies paradoxes often in his poetry and his most significant spiritual connection with his master; Roshi is also described as the ultimate relational paradox.

For Cohen, Roshi is someone who shows him what he needs to see. He is a Zen monk, but that is completely irrelevant. Roshi cares deeply about who he, Leonard is, or rather, “he deeply doesn’t care”.

That is precisely why the construct that Cohen believed himself to be can whither, so he can become, who he really is.
He becomes himself when he gives up what he thought was him.
He describes a very deep friendship with his master, that is paradoxically, a non-intimate relating. His master is someone whom he knows everything, and nothing of.

His other paradoxical relationship is to his life work. He arrives at the notion of abandoning attachment to one’s “masterpiece” and therefore creating one. The very action of abandoning an attempt at perfection, is the key to truly mastering something. This is beautifully written and sung in his masterpiece:

“Forget your perfect offering. There is a crack, a crack in everything, that’s how the light gets in.”

In his songs Cohen brings you to your knees, but makes you laugh. Religious and prophetic but at the same time sensuous and erotic.

Cohen, as Bono of U2 explains it, is capable of creating beauty, heart wrenching love, and truth from the abyss, from the dark side of life. He deals with the dark and transforms it into truth and beauty.

Bono says ”He has you when you feel idealistic, he has you when your relationship breaks down, he has you when you can’t face the world, he has you at all stages.”

Nick Cave and many of us feel grateful to Cohen for guidance in our youth, for gifts of a personal kind, for the beauty and truth that we accessed through him.

Musicians feel humbled in the presence of his body of work. We all have many intense emotional and even spiritual experiences through his art, but the most outstanding quality that speaks of his power, is the personal non-personal relationship we all feel with him.

Don’t we all have an inner Cohen?

 

RUSSELL Meares believes that only the likes of you and me, people whose minds aren't cluttered with arcane theories about psychiatry, will quickly appreciate his ideas about our minds.

In his opinion, much of the psychotherapy on offer today is mechanical, relying on a methodology rather than on the full potential of personal communication.

Meares, 71, is emeritus professor of psychiatry at the University of Sydney and head of the mental health sciences unit at Westmead Hospital in western Sydney.

He has led the development of a system of psychotherapy aimed at treating people with borderline personality disorder, a serious condition often written off as untreatable.

The borderline refers to a condition worse than neurosis but not as disabling as psychosis. Extreme mood swings, black-and-white thinking and intense fear of rejection are signs. Some estimates put those affected at up to 2 per cent of the population.

Those afflicted lead desolate lives, Meares says. They talk about feeling empty or disconnected or dead. What they lack is a healthy sense of self or consciousness, he says, and this is a different thing from a sense of identity, which is a socially constructed idea of the person you are.

The sense of self, according to Meares, means: "The ordinary feeling of existing. Most people have the feeling of more or less continuous movement of mental life - images, thoughts, imaginings, memories and so forth - which sometimes go on just as a background and are sometimes much more prominent. William James (the US philosopher and psychology pioneer who died in 1910) called it the stream of consciousness."

It is this flow within us that gives continuity - and meaning - to our experiences. Meares conceived of treating people in whom that quality is lacking with a system he calls the conversational model, which is intended to expand consciousness in patients who don't have an inner sense of connection with the world.

"The all-important thing about this form of therapy is the nature of the conversation between the doctor and the patient. The aim is to develop a different kind of conversation which has a natural flow but is ... working towards the depiction of the individual's emergent (new) reality," he says. "Essentially it's a homegrown psychotherapy system, the first psychotherapy system developed in Australia."

Years ago, Meares was at a conference in Washington speaking about his system to an audience of US psychoanalysts. He could see many in his audience scribbling away: "I could tell they were having some difficulty grappling with it." He was there with his daughter Amanda, then an art student, who had no particular interest in psychology. "She came up to me afterwards and said, 'That was good, Dad, but it's obvious."'

Meares is a distinguished psychiatrist in the US, having become the first non-American to be honoured with a lifetime career award by the University of California, Los Angeles.

Yet Meares's work has received little acclaim in his own country, although he has come up with what he says is a proven way to alleviate the suffering of people with borderline personality disorder.

"This condition was only formally diagnosed 27 years ago," Meares says. He and his colleagues at the Westmead unit produced the first outcome paper on its treatment. "When we sent it to The American Journal of Psychiatry, they didn't believe that these people could be helped," he says.

While generally regarded as untreatable, people suffering from borderline personality disorder have often been given all kinds of medication, Meares says. "It hasn't achieved anything. But you can't just take people off medication, they've become adjusted to it."

They're not psychotic, however. Instead of the medication being the main line of treatment (as it is with schizophrenia, for example), Meares believes that talking therapy should be the main treatment for those with borderline personality disorder.

There are a host of talking therapies. Cognitive behaviour therapy, probably the most widely used, is directed towards changing negative or maladaptive attributes. There's interpersonal therapy, which is similar to this. The most famous talking therapy is classical psychoanalysis, which is also directed towards changing forces seen as dragging a person down. Psychoanalysis, a long and expensive treatment that was once at the forefront, has moved to the periphery.

"Most of the therapies depend on the idea that the therapist is delivering some specific strategy or form of treatment to the patient," Meares says.

That's not what his conversational model does. "In this case you're talking about trying to restore and generate a state of consciousness. Because the brain is constantly reacting to the environment, the interplay determines the brain state, which affects the state of mind.

"It is the form of conversation which itself is the therapy. This is a peculiar kind of conversation which has some characteristics of a meditative state of mind ... the (therapist's) response in its essential form, including the tone of voice, resonates with the patient's immediate reality."

Meares and his colleagues at Westmead are analysing the analysts, so to speak, by investigating a range of therapies. He is making a rare appearance in the media, agreeing to talk to Inquirer because he hopes to expand the centre at Westmead and, with it, important research.

"The whole system has implications for understanding human consciousness and how it comes into being," Meares says at his home in Sydney.

The large light-filled apartment he shares with his second wife, Susanne, a neuropsychologist, overlooks the western reaches of Sydney Harbour. There are walls lined with books and paintings and photographs by two of his three children.

Daughter Amanda, an accomplished artist, illustrated the covers of his books The Metaphor of Play: Origin and Breakdown of Personal Being and Intimacy and Alienation: Memory, Trauma and Personal Being. Both are highly readable works in plain English. Meares says he writes for professionals as well as laypeople, including those with borderline disorders.

His idea that language is the medium through which the sense of self emerges draws on concepts that were around more than a century ago. James suggested that the feelings of warmth and intimacy at the core of the sense of self flowed from the interplay between a baby and its mother or carer.

These ideas were cast aside at the time of World War I, when there was a shift to a behaviourist approach in psychology, Meares says. The behaviourists distrusted what couldn't be measured as change. Ideas about things as nebulous and unruly as feelings of warmth and intimacy went right out the window and James became a footnote in the history of psychology.

However, when Meares was investigating borderline personality disorders, he went back to the idea that the sense of self was not a given but a kind of consciousness of ourselves and our place in the world that grows out of the proto-conversation between mother and baby.

His patients seemed to have been deprived of that interplay or to have suffered a series of psychic shocks. These traumas, as psychiatrists call them, are most obviously caused by physical and sexual abuse, but may also result if children are subjected to chronic disparagement.

"When you talk to the patients, they can describe being beaten," says Meares. "They can tell you that was something that was unpleasant. But they can't describe the atmosphere, they think it's normal."

Yet the reverberations of these painful experiences will cause a disturbance of the sense of self. "Instead of the warmth there's a painful feeling of emptiness, which is not in the standard definition of the borderline condition," he says.

"There are plenty of people in the world, there are politicians and people in the corporate world, who actually manage well. It's been said that the so-called psychopath, the antisocial personality, is a master in dealing with the environment, they can take people in and turn on the charm.

"On the other side of the ledger there's this internal desolation. People can talk about it when they come to see you."

One in every five psychiatric in-patients and one in every 10 outpatients can be diagnosed with borderline personality disorder. There are degrees of severity, of course. "The condition can cause desolation for the individual, wreckage for the family and huge consequences to the community in terms of costs of mental health," he says.

Inquirer has investigated cases where people with a history of suicide attempts have been turned away from mental health units on the grounds that they're "borderlines" and there is nothing to be done for them. In contrast, Meares and his colleagues are refining a method already shown to have some success.

It must be said that, for someone whose contribution is in developing the conversational model, Meares, whose own voice is somehow drained, seems a little detached from this humdrum world. His manner makes it clear he is a toff and the product of a sort of late Victorian upbringing. In chronological terms, he was a child of World War II and the Melbourne establishment. When he was young the family lived on the countrified edge of Melbourne. He says it was a paradise that, like all childhood paradises, inevitably came to an end. His father, a doctor, left for the front; he, his mother and younger sister moved into his grandparents' house: he recalls its hushed atmosphere and sense of constraint.

In later years his father, Ainslie Meares, would become a renowned if somewhat mystical psychiatrist. Once the younger Meares had graduated in medicine, he headed to London and sort of fell into psychiatry, studying at Maudsley Hospital in London with Jungian analyst Robert Hobson, who became a great friend. Meares says Hobson and he began to develop a model for the treatment of people with what came to be called borderline personality disorders. "They were the rejects of the system. People didn't know what to do with them. We were working in a country without maps," he says.

They worked together until Meares was offered an academic position in Australia. He continued to develop the conversational model over the following decades.

"I wouldn't want to be saying we can cure people," he says. "What we can do is to help people live better." That in itself is remarkable but his hopes encompass far larger ambitions. "In a way you would hope this would be able to bring back what you might call the soul, or the heart, of psychiatry."

 

What can turn a person from loving you – to hating you – and back to loving you again in a split second? Why do some people always seem to divide and manipulate those around them, causing havoc at work and at home? It could be Borderline Personality Disorder. Marilyn Monroe may have had it. Alex, played by Glenn Close in the chilling movie Fatal Attraction certainly did. But the truth is, it’s almost impossible to treat, so much so that some psychiatrists refuse to take on the challenge. On All in the Mind this week – some surprising new insights into the disturbing condition of Borderline Personality Disorder.

Transcript

Relevant links and references at the end of the transcript

Montage from the movie, Fatal Attraction.

Lynne Malcolm: Glenn Close skilfully bringing to life the disturbed character Alex in Fatal Attraction, the classic 80s movie which did more than any other to end the one night stand. Hi, welcome to All in the Mind, I’m Lynne Malcolm. Today an insight into a mental condition we hear little about.

Marilyn Monroe may have had it. Alex, whom we just heard, certainly did. Borderline Personality Disorder.

We’re now only too aware of the devastating impact that depression and schizophrenia can have, but there’s a range of so-called personality disorders which are less well know but just as devastating.

Borderline Personality Disorder was only described 30 years ago and it was so named because it was thought to be at the border between psychosis and neurosis. It’s not easy to diagnose and even harder to treat. And because sufferers often experience severe depression as a result of their condition, in 10% of cases suicide is the tragic consequence.

Gordon Parker is Professor of Psychiatry at the University of NSW and Executive Director of the Black Dog Institute. So what kind of person has a so-called borderline personality?

Gordon Parker: An individual who really has no sense of identity. They neither know who they are or that they are. Profound identity confusion.

And frequently they get their identity in relationships to other people. In addition, in their relationships to others they frequently seek out somebody that they can idolise and put on a pedestal, and then after a period of time they oscillate and seek to bring down that person they’ve put on a pedestal so they can range in their interactions with others from idolisation to demeaning and diminishing behaviours.

So rapidly depressed, immediately suicidal, catastrophising on things and then almost in a microsecond a smile on the face and chatting up another person and being very interactive and very warm. But underneath it the person not knowing who they are and fearing that they could be rejected and abandoned and acting out their despair—rather like individuals that lack a skin and more have a semi-permeable membrane—being hyper sensitive to the cues in the environment and reacting with a disproportionate set of reactions.

And people who have more severe personality disorders tend to fail at the key tasks in life; they fail in their intimate relationships, they fail in their co-operative friendships and they fail at work.

Henry Jackson: They often are very self-destructive and engage in self-mutilation cutting up their arm is particularly well known. Also they may in fact cut themselves on the abdomen, stomach, face in some cases, and in some extreme cases cut bits of flesh off themselves as well.

Lynne Malcolm: Henry Jackson, Head of Psychology at the University of Melbourne. And he also says people with borderline personality disorder are often highly manipulative and attention-seeking. He recognises it in several people in the public eye especially in the entertainment industry.

Henry Jackson: The unstable relationships that are played out, the constant attention for admiration, flamboyance, dramatic presentations and so on, the sensation seeking elements I think are quite prominent.

The drug taking and the drinking, which is often used by people with borderline personality disorder to try and modulate their moods. Sexual promiscuity of course is also another way to drive your mood to make you feel better temporarily and even if they’re a wrong kind of person for a stable relationship in the long term you at least are getting close to someone at that point in time.

Lynne Malcolm: And that difficulty in getting close even causes problems in the safety and privacy of the therapy room, let alone the real world. It’s a theme psychiatrist Gordon Parker drew heavily on when he turned his hand to writing a stage play: Personality Games.

Gordon Parker: I chose on this occasion to take a borderline personality as the key psychiatric condition for theatrical exposition with the aim being that this is a disorder that is actually very close to the nature of theatre itself. So you have a backdrop of drama and you have a patient who’s constantly providing drama.

In addition there is an important aspect to this play and that’s dealing with the issue of the boundary between any health practitioner and the patient. Health practitioners, particularly psychiatrists have to get close to people if they are in ongoing relationships to be able to help them. And there’s an immediate difficulty there. How can you get close to another human being and be helpful without any boundary violation?

Excerpt from Personality Games.

Lynne Malcolm: An edited excerpt from Gordon Parker’s Personality Games, co-written with Neil Cole and recently performed at the Melbourne Fringe Festival.

So what actually causes borderline personality disorder? Gordon Parker again.

Gordon Parker: The causes are varied, the key issue is that the individual has been exposed to some extraordinary threat in childhood. Sexual abuse is a very common example but it doesn’t have to be that and I’ve had patients who’ve had parents who’ve chased them round the kitchen with a knife wanting to kill them—and no sexual abuse—but the child has been exposed to some terrible, terrible threat. And so my formulation is that in normal childhood you need to experience a sense of security to develop your own identity, again to know who you are and that you are. And what happens to these people in childhood is that they’re under such threat that they’re constantly apprehensive, and so they’re defending against the traumas and the terrible events out there so that their inner sense does not get developed.

There are other factors that come into play, so it may well be that there may be a parent, particularly a father who sexualises the interaction with the daughter so that the child builds up an external sense of their identity or their self esteem and that’s why it’s often been said that people with a borderline personality tend to be more attractive.

But frequently when you talk to them you’ll find that the way in which they’ve been rewarded and praised over time is in response to their physical attributes and not to their inner sense. So the combination of external threats in childhood plus a personality style of emotional disregulation I think gives the substrate.

Lynne Malcolm: Gordon Parker. Russell Meares is Emeritus Professor Psychiatry at Sydney University and for the last 20 years he’s led a program treating and researching borderline personality disorder at Westmead Hospital.

His theory on the disorder derives from the 19th century psychologist William James’s ideas on consciousness and the sense of self. Dr Meares says for the borderline personality the sense of self is disrupted, so much so that their whole experience of consciousness is fundamentally different.

For healthy individuals, events occur and things may change from day to day, but our sense of identity essentially remains constant and intact. Not so for the borderline personality.

Russell Meares: Most people say if you’re driving along the in the traffic there’s a sense of your ordinary going on being where there’s memories coming to mind, there’s things you’re imagining, ideas are coming, there’s a kind of drift of experience. But for the borderline person this is very much restricted to the environment, the day to day and adapting to it. It’s as if there is nothing going on inside you—which is a terrifying experience and people talk about it as the Black Hole—and these states of consciousness are fluctuating and there’s a whole lot of ways of trying to cope with it which might be extreme sensation, it might be cutting yourself, it might be wild sexuality, it might be gambling, it might be spending sprees—it might be things on the other hand which look quite apparently normal like obsessive house cleaning or something like that—so it’s not particularly noticed.

And the people who have this disorder have also a disturbancing modifying or modulating emotional response and sometimes it can be quite violent. This is often the consequence of traumatic memory because these people have characteristically had a traumatic background. Something triggers their unconscious traumatic memory and they are in it again, they don’t know they’re in it again, and they’re now living as if the people around them are somewhat like the past and this is when the explosive behaviour occurs.

Lynne Malcolm: So it’s generally caused or linked to a traumatic early life?

Russell Meares: Yes, several studies from the United States showed that the majority of people had had an abusive past. Not all of them had a clearly abusive past when you defined it just in terms of sexual, physical or emotional abuse. It seems there are more subtle kinds of disruption of the child’s early sense of self.

Things that might look quite normal, part of normal upbringing—you know the child’s got to be told you know how to do things or we don’t want the child to get a big head you know so we’ll just stamp on that kind of behaviour. And those small things which just look like ‘bringing up’, if they’re repeated over and over can also produce traumatic systems which the parents would not have been aware of what they were doing.

Lynne Malcolm: So how might a traumatic memory affect someone with borderline personality disorder? Russell Meares has an example.

Russell Meares: It’s about a husband and wife who take turns in cooking and setting the table. And the first night he’s setting the table and she’s cooking and she says why we don’t use the other knives. So he says OK and picks up the knives and puts them back in the dresser and brings out another set. Well the next night they’ve swapped, she’s setting the table and he’s cooking and he says why don’t we use the new tablecloth and she goes nuts. She says ‘do you think I’m some kind of fool who can’t even set the table, what do you take me for?’ And he doesn’t get it and soon they’ve got a huge row going on.

But what’s happening is that there’s this unconscious traumatic memory being triggered. The point of it is that eventually she comes to remember that 'my parents were always good people,' she said, 'my best interests at heart, but they always made me feel like an idiot.' And at that moment this memory gets triggered.

Now this happens repeatedly in the therapeutic conversation. Now what we’re finding with the neuro imaging studies of trauma is to get the emergence of the unconscious traumatic memory raw and undefended is likely to be more therapeutically effective than if you approach it consciously, because the brain state when it’s consciously retrieved is quite different and it’s got all sorts of avoidant and defensive systems built in which make it very hard for you to actually come to grips with this traumatic memory.

Lynne Malcolm: Professor Russell Meares and later we’ll hear more about his approach to the treatment of borderline personality disorder.

A few weeks ago we learnt that post-traumatic stress disorder can emerge many years after the original trauma. So, is it the same for borderline personality disorder, and when might we see the first signs?

Professor Henry Jackson is head of Psychology at the University of Melbourne and is working with young people at the ORYGEN Youth Health Centre in Melbourne.

Henry Jackson: Right now, this is very interesting, the way the official diagnostic manuals are set out they argue that you can’t diagnose this disorder, any of the personality disorders of which there are ten, in people under 18. So in an essence you have to wait till the person has turned 18 before you can make the formal diagnosis.

My colleague Dr Andrew Channon who’s a consultant psychiatrist who I do work with down at ORYGEN Centre is actually looking at a group who are younger than that, beginning about 15 and looking at whether the features of this personality disorder are stable in this group. Because the argument for not making the diagnosis under 18 is that there’s a lot of teenagers who in fact exemplify this sort of unstable pattern of behaviour, thinking and feeling, but they grow out of it, essentially.

And what he is showing at the moment is in fact the characteristics of the disorder in fact are relatively stable in people under 18 years of age. Now the question is does it continue into adulthood? In this cohort that he has, we don’t know the answer to that because I think the longest follow up we have right now is two years.

The other question of course is can you in fact change these features in this young group, so even if you like to put them back on a so called development trajectory and again he is driving a intervention study which is looking at this with an 18 month follow up and we don’t have those data out yet but this will be a study which will be looked upon with a great deal of interest by both the national and international level.

Lynne Malcolm: Henry Jackson and those results are keenly anticipated but not without a degree of pessimism because borderline personality disorder is notoriously one of the most difficult psychiatric conditions to treat. Dr. Gordon Parker once again.

Gordon Parker: Yes, and there will be many that would say that you can never treat a patient with a borderline personality. So there’s a level of nihilism out there amongst psychiatrists that borderline patients are dangerous, they create havoc on all those around them. I also have the belief that in many instances seeing a psychiatrist can actually make a person with the borderline personality worse. If you’ve been exposed to deprivation right through your life and you go along to see a psychiatrist on a weekly basis and that particular individual says 'time’s up, you’re out of here,' you’re again getting more deprivation and it’s almost an opportunity to focus mentally on that individual and not get on with your life. So I’ve certainly seen a few examples over time where I think psychiatry has actually made people worse.

Lynne Malcolm: And it’s this question of where does the help end and the hurt begin that was portrayed in Gordon Parker’s stage play Personality Games in which the psychiatrist, Roger, struggles to find a therapeutic boundary with his borderline patient Kitty.

Gordon Parker: Borderline patients are well recognised as having this capacity to split people. They split them into this dichotomy of idealising versus rejecting and in this play we actually had Kitty split Roger into three parts, and the nature of the play obviously involves the extent to which each component of Roger was being expressed. And to which extent they were both constructive or destructive.

Lynne Malcolm: Also in the play Kitty the client was constantly trying to sexualise the relationship, is that a common characteristic?

Gordon Parker: Yes it is, so [with] male therapists and female patients this would be fairly ubiquitous. So sexualising would be absolutely to be expected.

Lynne Malcolm: Something else that seemed to come through was a sense of the client being very manipulative.

Gordon Parker: Yes, again that goes with a high percentage of people with borderline organisation that they are very, very manipulative. The bottom line is that the individual is really testing the boundaries. Sometimes it can be fairly innocent and not too severe and at other times it can be extremely dangerous and of quite gravid consequences.

Lynne Malcolm: Just tell me a little bit more about the effect that a person with this disorder can have on intimate relationships and working relationships.

Gordon Parker: In intimate relationships you rarely see a relationship of parity. Whatever the nature of the relationship is, however, then it’s turbulent. It may start off with idolising but then quickly the individual with a borderline will start to try to shred the other person’s self esteem and their contribution to the relationship – making the other person feeling demeaned and rejected and not good enough.

So intimate relationships tend to have a very poor history and don’t last very long but also in the workplace people with borderline organisation will bring in the same characteristics. They’ll split staff, because the capacity of the borderline individual to split two people who've previously had quite a good working relationship and have them act out the borderline dilemma is very high.

So if they get to senior positions in organisations, and I’ve seen this on a few occasions, they can cause absolute chaos as they act out their personal dilemmas within the organisational structure.

Lynne Malcolm: So what would you say is the best method of treatment?

Gordon Parker: If a health professional is to be successful then I think it needs a very fine blend of setting very firm boundaries, and of allowing the individual’s dilemmas to come to the surface and to be worked through. And not having the borderline organisation take over the nature of the therapy and cause confusion, which is what happens so frequently.

It’s an issue I think of style and substance: That the therapy has to focus on the substance and promote the individual’s move to a more substantive level of organisation and not get distracted by the style, by the glittering surface butterfly manifestations and the games that go on and the manipulation. As soon as the therapist starts to react or to over-react to that then the game is lost.

Fatal Attraction excerpt.

Lynne Malcolm: Glenn Close’s chillingly accurate portrayal of the borderline personality. Let’s turn again to Dr Russell Meares’ work combining our modern understand of brain physiology with century-old theories of human consciousness and identity. Remembering, it’s after a profound disruption of one’s idea of ‘self’ that borderline personality disorder can emerge.

Russell Meares: Well the sense of self is very hard to define and in the past people have simply tried to define it in terms of personal attributes. You know, that you’re a cheerful person or you’re a kind person or you’re an angry person – those kinds of things.

But self, the ordinary kind of experience of what we might call going on being, is a kind of movement a kind of flow of experience within us. And that was called 'stream of consciousness by William James and on that basis that we tried to work out, to develop a kind of brain basis for this state of mind.

Lynne Malcolm: Right, so you’re looking towards the physiological as well as the psychological.

Russell Meares: Yes. First of all we should say that until quite recently these people were just neglected in the health system, it was said there was no treatment, they would never get better and we’ve been devising a treatment which we’ve been able to show does help people.

And the brain basis for this kind of consciousness gives us a way of beginning to develop a scientific method of treatment. And there’s not a great deal that’s been done on borderline personality but nevertheless there are pieces emerging from overseas which suggest that there’s a diminished activity of the prefrontal areas which are the areas of the brain which have emerged latest in evolutionary history.

And so the group at Westmead have been looking at neuro-imaging trauma which we believe is going to be important to the understanding and the basis of borderline personality. And the interesting thing about consciousness is that we’re not born with it, it doesn’t grow as part of an inevitable program like bones, or muscles, or gut. It has to have a particular kind of responsiveness from the care-giving environment in order for it to emerge. So there are behaviours that the ordinary parent carries out, unwittingly, which are necessary to this emergence. Basically what the parent does in doing this, is have fun, because in emerges in a kind of game very often with the parent.

Now the difficulty is all the signals that an infant gives off have been changed and the ordinary natural behaviour that might be what a parent would offer is no longer what is stimulated by the environment. So it requires a very skilled attention to what is going on in a therapeutic conversation in order to provide a kind of responsiveness which might stimulate this kind of consciousness coming in to being. And ultimately we’re trying to trigger activity of certain brain systems, which have prefrontal connections.

Lynne Malcolm: So through a talking therapy you can actually have an effect on the physiology in the prefrontal area.

Russell Meares: Yes, absolutely. You see it’s very hard for people to get their head around this idea that we’re trying to alter a form of consciousness. But when you talk about that, that’s just an abstraction there can’t be a form of consciousness in isolation, it depends upon a brain state.

The brain is always in interplay with the environment so we have to change the habitual interplay of that individual with his or her social environment. And that interplay is conducted by conversation. So the conversation, through altering this interplay, is going to alter the brain state and there’s this kind of primitive reductionist idea about altering brain states that you can only alter by drugs. Well, you know, we know we’re looking at the neuro imaging studies that the brain states are constantly fluctuating just as our states of consciousness are fluctuating from minute to minute.

Lynne Malcolm: Dr. Russell Meares with some tantalizing ideas about the treatment of this debilitating and intractable condition. And they’re very welcome indeed because it does appear that the incidence of borderline personality disorder is more widespread that we think. And many of those who have it don’t even know it. Gordon Parker.

Gordon Parker: It’s still, I think, pretty well unknown the people in the general community who might look at an individual showing that style and merely say well look, that’s an entitled, self-indulgent person having their hissy fits and needing, you know, to be brought in line. So when the diagnosis of borderline personality disorder is applied it’s often shorthand for saying that the individual’s not liked.

Personality Games excerpt.

Gordon Parker: What we tried to do in this play is to show that there can be more sympathetic reasons for why people might show this set of behaviours and that underneath the surface manifestations of chaos and splitting and manipulation, in fact, there was a human being that had suffered great traumas, that there was another way of seeing a personality disorder in a more sympathetic light.

Lynne Malcolm: Professor Gordon Parker showing that professionalism and compassion can go hand in hand. That’s all in the program today – I’m Lynne Malcolm and thanks to James Carleton and Angus Kingston for their work on the show. And you may like to follow up some of Russell Meares' ideas in his book Intimacy and Alienation – Memory Trauma and Personal Being.

 

"The act of playing music with people of different cultures, religions, economics and politics is a powerful statement. It shows that we can find ways of working together and sharing our experiences with one another in a positive way. Music has the power to break down the walls between cultures, to raise the level of human understanding." - Mark Johnson, Playing for Change founder.

Geoff Gallop opens up on a subject very close to his heart.

Like many from my generation I am a great fan of the poet and singer Leonard Cohen. I particularly like his song Everybody Knows.

Everybody knows that the boat is leaking...

Everybody knows, everybody knows,

That's how it goes, everybody knows...

Everybody got this broken feeling

Deep down we all have this "broken feeling". We know that despite our remarkable achievements all is not well in our nation. We know the "boat is leaking".

No more is this true than in the way we think about and treat mental illness. Mental illness is a constraint on our productivity, a major cause of suffering for many individuals and their families and, in too many cases, the background of self-harm or suicide.

Just to give one statistic to illustrate the point - about 1 million adults and 100,000 young people live with depression every year. They are vulnerable, needing help. They may be politicians. They may be tough sportsmen and women. They may be judges. They may be plumbers. Depression doesn't have a postcode.

In reflecting upon these statistics and the human reality beneath them, let me start with the positives. We have seen remarkable progress in our knowledge of these matters. New drugs and developments in cognitive psychology have opened up new possibilities and have brought relief for many sufferers.

We know, for example, that up to 90 per cent of sufferers can fully recover if given access to the appropriate treatment regimes. Indeed, Canadian psychologist Dr Mamta Gautum has reminded us that the prognosis of major depression is among the best of any medical illness of similar severity.

This leads me to ask two questions: Why do so many people need treatment today? Why do so many not access it?

I'll go to the second question first. It is of course partly a question of availability of services, particularly for those living in rural and regional Australia.

However, it's also a question of stigma and its twin brother - the fear of exposure. Not talking about depression is part of its definition. We hold it in and treat it as a condition that can be "willed away". For the individual this means bottling it up and internalising feelings and emotions in a private struggle for liberation. This inevitably proves to be counter-productive.

This is all part of the very important notion that we have "freedom of will" and that this is what makes us human. This is the background to the "pull yourself together/take a grip on yourself" type of thinking about depressive illness.

The truth is more subtle than that. We do have a capacity for more or less levels of self-awareness, not just generally but also of factors - biological, psychological and social - that influence our behaviour and well-being.

Freedom is the capacity to develop that self-awareness. Indeed we take our first steps to freedom when we acknowledge that we have a problem and seek the assistance of others. This is the first step on the road to recovery.

It should be so simple. After all isn't that what we do when we discover we are injured or have an illness? Unfortunately it isn't simple because our feelings and emotions have been put into a different category. Our culture deals in dualisms - mind and body, thinking and doing, freedom and emotion. The truth is that in depression they are all connected in a complex web of cause and effect. Confronting this truth is as challenging and difficult for the individual as it is for governments seeking to integrate economic, social and environmental values.

For most people the stresses and strains that come with life and the many problems they throw up can be absorbed, if only imperfectly. However, for those with a predisposition to depression, whether it be genetic or biochemical or due to lived experience, such stresses may translate into serious illness. Indeed our highly pressured, "winner-take-all" society can, in and of itself, represent an unbeatable challenge. The high levels of depressive illness among lawyers is a good illustration of this point.

What this all means is that we are dealing not just with a personal and a medical issue, but also with a social issue. It is an issue for individuals, families, firms and governments and it is an issue that just can't be compartmentalised.

That's why so many of us put it into the too-hard basket.

Source: watoday.com.au

The Memory of the Playspace

"Whoever remains unmoved, whoever cannot contemplate, or know the deep shudder of the soul in enchantment, might just as well be dead, for he has already closed his eyes on life."
(Albert Einstein)

Introduction

The purpose of this study is to call attention to a powerful, and somewhat mystifying experience that I call ‘enchantment’. I will define, and explore the qualities of this experience, and will attempt to present the developmental process that is likely to be in the background of this emotional construct. I will argue that the enchantment-experience is connected to the ‘playspace’ (Conversational Model) and it is functionally important in affect regulation as it plays a self-soothing and vitalising role. Via reviewing a number of relevant analytical concepts and providing clinical examples, I aim to integrate the experience of enchantment into the body of psychotherapies and into the mind-frame of psychotherapists.

The Language of Science

The experience of Enchantment, like many other deeply subjective phenomena, is challenging to describe in a scientific discourse. No matter how enchanted I become, how intense and true my own experience feels, I become frustrated and powerless when I try to intelligibly translate that which is deeply personal into words. It is particularly so, when I am attempting to uncover and understand the substance that makes up my experience.

As Daniel Stern writes: “sensual intensity is lost with the advent of language” . As the experiences and thoughts go on “in the half shadows” (Hobson 85) , descriptive language is not readily available. This difficulty is probably central and informative, as it relates to the very core of the experience, one that does not link easily to the linear communicative language, the language of science.

The importance of language that connects to the secondary process (Freud) is often discussed in contemporary psychoanalytic thought. The “reanimation of psychic life through the excavation and revitalization of words in their original dense sensory context in the early years of the patient's life”, by Steven Mitchell , is considered one of the main purposes of psychotherapy. In the Conversational Model (Russell Meares) of psychotherapy, the non-linear language as the marker of psychic life, the ‘stream of consciousness’, earns focal place in the therapeutic process. The metaphoric language is considered a vanguard of the sphere of privacy, and the language of intimacy.

For Loewald, when “language usage becomes too detached from primary process, life becomes affectively dead and empty” . ‘Languaging’ enchantment, requires poetry, art, and the aesthetic dimension. As Peter Lomas writes:

It is a bleak day in February. I sit looking out at the wind-swept trees, and I try to think about language. I have a sense of unease and emptiness. Then my glance falls upon a cyclamen plant on the window-sill. I cannot describe it. A poet would make a better job of this than I. But I am suddenly aware of the barrenness and poverty of words.(Lomas 1981)

In spite of our difficulties in science, enchantment-experiences cannot be evaded. We know they exist, and we love them. We long to have them and marvel at children for whom enchantment is a way of life.

Our culture creates illusions of enchantment in theatre, in lush operatic productions, movies and forms of art and entertainment. We only have to think of the enormous success of Cirque du Soleil with its enchanted images and ambiance to know that there is a hunger in our culture to experience life in a more enchanted way.

I am only happy to follow Einstein’s tradition and marvel over the mystical, the moving, even though this study would certainly not be accepted, if submitted, by certain Academic Psychology Faculties around the country. In this study I will affirm that good science is understood through marvel, and that only then does it become real value. Let us therefore, in spite of some difficulty, look at ways we can define this wondrous experience that I will call ‘enchantment’.

Grasping the Concept of Enchantment

Let me introduce a limited selection of definitions for enchantment The Dictionary definition of enchantment is “delight; charm or put under a spell”. The word originates from the French enchanter , and from the Latin cantare . The dictionary also lists the following synonyms: “power or quality of attracting: allure, allurement, appeal, attraction, attractiveness, call, charisma, charm, draw, enticement, fascination, glamour, lure, magnetism, witchery.” (In Roget's II. 95) In Wikipedia, enchantment is defined as “a magical spell, a charm or bewitchment, in traditional fairy tales or fantasy”.

Clearly, these definitions precise enough, do not take me any closer to the phenomena I am examining.

Milton Erickson who was famous for his appreciation of the use of enchantment in the therapeutic process, was considered the source of that enchantment by his students. The Lanktons (trainers of the Ericksonian technique) define enchantment in their training the following way:

Enchant is to influence by or as if by charms and incitation; to thrill or enrapture; to allure; to delight; to fascinate or to bewitch. To fascinate is to cast a spell over; to transfix and hold spellbound by or as if by an irresistible power; to command attention or interest by artful, subtle, challenging strange or piquant. Piquant means arousing pleasant mental excitement, engaging, provocative or agreeable challenging. (Stephen R Lankton, Carol H Lankton 1986)

Another really beautiful description that has some elements of my own idea of the experience of enchantment:

The world still holds an ancient enchantment. It hints of journeys into unseen and unmapped domains. There was a time when the distances between our world and those we consider "imaginary" were no further than a bend in the road. Each cavern and hollow tree was doorway to another world. Humans recognised life in all things. The streams sang and the winds whispered ancient words into the ears of whoever would listen. Every blade of grass and flower had a tale to tell. In the blink of an eye one could explore worlds and seek out knowledge that enlightened life. Shadows were not just shadows and woods were not just trees and clouds were not just pretty. There was life and purpose in all things and there was loving interaction between the worlds.
(Ted Andrews, 1993)

This enchanted world, this experience is above all alive. Bennett strikes a more integrated chord in me when she talks about the active facilitation of qualities of enchantment in life:

Enchantment is something that we encounter, that hits us, but it is also a comportment that can be fostered through deliberate strategies. One of those strategies might be to give greater expression to the sense of play, another, to hone sensory receptivity to the marvellous specificity of things. Yet another way to enhance the enchantment effect is to resist the story of the disenchantment of modernity. (Bennett 2001)

Indeed, this resistance motivates my study and my work.

I will use the term, ‘enchanted space’ to describe a complex, special experience, the expression of the innermost private, a wonderment filled joyous place. It is characterised by an unusual sensory intensity of colours, sharpened senses, intense positive emotions, warmth, intimacy and perhaps at times, it is topped with a touch of childlike feelings of magic. As P. Fisher describes it, it is a "moment of pure presence" (in J. Bennett 2001). The perception of the outside world fills with positive affect, accompanied with a sense of cosiness, safety and the ‘all is well’ feeling. It is akin to a sensation of fullness, and a feeling of liveliness, as if “one's nerves or circulation or concentration powers are tuned up or recharged.” (in J.Bennett 2001)

Sometimes it is indeed characterised by a changed sensation of time and space, just like in hypnosis. One of the most profound aspects of the enchanted space, in my opinion, is that we suddenly “recognise life in all things” (Andrews 93) . As Hobson notes when he writes about those special states of “self-forgetfulness”, “we seem to see into the life of things”. Seeing into things really opens up the meaning of those things far beyond the ordinary level of feeling laden images. We are now in the enchanted space. While the subjects of our perception are often the ordinary, the quality of the experience is not. Ordinary things are being seen in a very “personal way”, and in that space there is no fear and limitation. It is important to note here that while peak-experiences can be experiences of enchantment I do not limit my examination to those extraordinary experiences that the mystics talk about. I consider the enchanted space to be an expansive experience, contrary, to some views that connect it to a regressive process. “In a Universe of infinite energies and life forms, anything that expends our awareness and brings joy to our life can only be a benefit.”(Andrews 1993)12

Let me now start my journey into the mystery of enchantment by recounting some of my encounters with this experience.

The White of Christmas
My Own Experiences of Enchantment

As my section of the sand-tray was getting populated more and more with beautiful magical creatures and started looking like an enchanted forest, I became increasingly absorbed in this ‘otherworld’ and forgot about the ‘real one’ out there. In the real one my colleagues were waiting for me to finish, so that our short demonstration of the sand-play technique could continue.

I became utterly absorbed by this wondrous world that I had created in the sand from the moment I touched the sand with my palms. As soon as I started, I was transported back to my childhood, to age 4. I was building the most beautiful castle with an elaborate water system running through it. There were ponds and creeks, underground secret tunnels, and stunning bridges with spiral staircases leading up and down to the hundreds of beautiful rooms and passages. My castle was the most enchanting building in the world. I saw it in colour, it came alive and I lived in it, as I wandered through the hidden courtyards and ballrooms, which I still see in my dreams today.

The excitement that I experienced as a young child building my castle, and now as an adult, creating my ‘world’ in the sand as a part of our clinical peer group, filled me with joy, aliveness and something beyond that: with a sense of enchantment, wonderment.

The figures and objects that we were supposed to use to furnish our part of the tray were filled with life, and they were much more than symbolic objects. They were injected with emotion, beauty, mystery, colour and soul. They encapsulated the rich and magical substance of events that rushed back to me from my childhood. Back then everything carried shine, colour and contrast, and all things were incredibly rich with life.

I was driven to pack my part of the sand-tray with everything I could put my hands on. They were mythical characters of cherubs, sorcerers and angels, beautiful lush plants, and flowers. There was a Buddha, and a Faun, a large mushroom that could talk and even a ladybird playing with a butterfly. My world had a baobab tree and a garden pagoda amongst the flowers, a treasure chest holding lots of secrets, an exotic monkey and an elephant for the fun of it.

In the midst of my play I suddenly became aware of my colleagues patiently waiting for me to finish and of the time restraint we had for this exercise. It felt I had to return from a faraway world that was so so beautiful and rich that nobody in his or her right mind would ever want to leave. I certainly did not. I wanted to live in that world forever and I recognised how much I craved access to it in my daily life. In my childhood, this was my natural domain and I had no idea that others would not necessarily see the world my way.

I remembered the firewall at the end of my childhood street, which was nothing more then an ugly grey concrete wall. For me, however, it was the most mysterious, and imposing piece of architecture, that both scared and fascinated me in the same time. It needed to be approached with due respect, slowly and carefully, because it grew as I got closer and overpowered me by its size.

In fact all the places of my childhood have held the same magical quality that made them engaging and ever so fascinating to interact with. I recalled hundreds of scenes from my childhood which all had this overwhelming intensity and aliveness about them. Most of all, a particular Christmas night and the breath taking beauty of the spinning kaleidoscope.

It was a cold winter night. I was five years old, and gazing out of the window at home. The Christmas tree in my room had only a couple of candles still burning in the dark. It was nice and cosy inside; I was in my pyjamas, still excited from the beauty of my brand new kaleidoscope and the warmth of the family gathering earlier in the evening. The wonderful smell of the dinner still lingered from the kitchen, and a peaceful quiet atmosphere descended on the world. This corresponded with perfect peace within me. More than that. As I was gazing out to the snow-covered streets, I became aware of the contrast of the warmth inside and the crispy cold on the outside. Everything in me and around me felt beautiful, magical and was injected with a warmth of safety and a sense of the wondrous. In this world, only good things happened to everyone, and this world was a stunning place to be. Beauty had an intensity that made adults cry and children smile.

This snapshot encapsulates the sense of enchantment present in so many of the experiences that were part of my otherwise very ordinary childhood.

Objectively, the street where I lived was anything but poetic: it was an extremely busy road with trams, buses, cars and many trucks. There was a truck terminal at the corner and an ugly grey apartment building across from mine for a view. My own apartment was on the third floor of a representative building of ‘Socialist Modernism’ with large bullet holes in it, left by the invading Russian tanks of 1956. No romanticism whatsoever.

Still, wherever I was, whatever surrounded me, the sense of wonder was always present. It was internal, resistant to everything that was ugly, ordinary, or mundane. In fact, nothing was ordinary, because most of the time I lived in an enchanted world. This world contained very real events and people, but they all held a touch more colour, intensity and marvel to me. There were no miracles in my world such as in fairytales: birds did not talk and Santa did not take children to the North Pole. Even so, things and events were not just what they were, everything was imbued with an ‘enchanted substance’ so they looked and felt like some of the pictures in my fairytale books. I still love those pictures.


The “Pleasure-place”
“As if she never had seen the sky so blue,
The earth so green, the trees so freshly leafed:
For here, guarded by the high cliffs
That encircle this pleasure-place,
Autumn still spites the northern wind
And figs still ripen and oranges still bloom.”

(I. C. M. Wieland: Oberon VIII, 12)


It is clear that the space of enchantment has an intense positive affect.
It is about coherence, a sense of wellness and value that is assigned to the world, to the self. It is a core-experience within the self and it lights up the innerness as it filters through all the senses.

It is a transitional space where the real and the memory of a past-real (that has become inner), co-creates a special tone of the present. It is a ‘no-desire’ state; similar to the Winnicotian infant’s world who knows no desire because he has all, and is all. Still, it is not an Oceanic feeling how it is described in the transpersonal school of thought, because there is ordinariness about the subject of the experience.

The enchantment space is of the “intimate space” (Meares) , with permeability with the playspace (Meares) , which adds a kind of playful affect to it. The enchanted space has all the qualities of a healthy developed self, and some of the qualities of the playspace, the seed of self. There is an intimate quality of relatedness hovering over the enchanted space. The non-linear –“ fantasy thinking” that “goes on in the half shadows, or perhaps beyond awareness” (Hobson) , characterises the experience.
G was a client of mine who developed an overcomplient personality structure due to some developmental trauma. She was anxious and often dissatisfied with her life circumstances. She has eloquently described her experience of enchantment the following way:
It feels as if I had a small, but ever-full container of magic powder tucked away in my brain somewhere and it gets activated by something… anything… I don’t know, and then gets released onto the world. From that minute everything gets covered by this magic powder, as if a fairy had touched them with a magic wand… And everything changes into marvel, suddenly it all feels different. Nothing is really different, just nicer, everything seems nicer.
Although she treasured her capacity to enjoy this space, she was not able to access it when she was anxious or depressed.

Development of the Enchanted Space

I argue, that the enchanted space develops when the magical quality of the playspace can transfer into the mature intimate space, so the original animistic magical quality becomes integrated into the affect-landscape of the mature self. That affect tone will colour the intimate space and at times can be triggered at full intensity by the pattern recognition of metaphoric organisation in the memory (episodic, perceptual representational, or procedural by Tulving 72) . This mechanism is in the core of the enlivening function, the experience of enchantment fulfils in affect regulation.

To position the enchanted space with it’s ‘magical’ affect in the context of the self in the Conversational Model, and in Selfpsychology, we need to understand the playspace and it’s significance in self-development. We need to understand also some of those important psychological concepts that help us to grasp this complex experience. I will now attempt to summarize the developmental theory underpinning my explanation for the enchanted space, relying mainly on the integrative approach of Russell Meares.

In a healthy developmental line the self develops in a relational matrix, in the context of connectedness. The characteristics of that self are the capacity for self-reflection, the sense of value that colours the self (positive emotional tone), the feeling of continuity in time and coherence within self-states with an overtone of meaning contributed to events and life. To maintain that healthy construct, we need to be able to regulate affect, we need to have our selfobject needs met by exercising our agency. We also need self-expressive abilities via language, cognitive powers, and preferably creative capacity.

The link between our inner world and the external reality, especially the Other is an intimate space. Our inner world has to interact with the external domain in order to develop capacity for intimate engagement.

The sense of a private life is connected to affect. Affect links the floating and ever changing associative chain of thoughts, visions, sensations, and memories into a whole, that we interpret as our private selves. Meares, drawing on the work of Piaget, Vigotsky, James, Hobson, Baldwin and others, emphasised the developmentally essential playspace as the seed of the self, and used the metaphor of play in his integrative theory. When the actual playspace becomes virtual, through the process of symbolic play, and the actual object play becomes the ‘stream of consciousness’, our innerness is formed, the self is present.

The emotional construct of the playspace with its “warmth and intimacy” (James 1890 II. P.650) is then carried in the implicit or explicit memory systems (Tulving 1972, 1983) and gets called up by appropriate conditions, similar to the original situational conditions.

In the actual playspace the child is alone, but “the presence of the other permeates the whole scene”. (Meares, R. and Anderson, J 1993). The concept of the spielraum (playspace) is a curious mixture of the developing inner and the not yet differentiated outer, that serves as a projective field with real toys and things for the inner to be acted out. It is also spoken out with the egocentric language (Piaget) of non-linear chatter, which is the perfect metaphor for the associative language of the Jamesian stream of consciousness .

It is a meeting place, not unlike the concept of the Transitional Space that starts earlier in the developmental transition, in which, a “moment of illusion”, a moment of “psychological overlap” (Winnicot 71) can occur between mother and infant. In this space the mother is able to be there for the infant in a way that the infant can stay with the fantasy of the mother being his own creation.

The “Transitional Object” , which represents the presence of the valued other, is neither controlled by fantasy, nor by reality. ”The infant can employ a transitional object when the internal object is alive and real and good enough”. This is the space when we “come alive as creators or interpreters of our own experience” (Winnicotian Transitional Phenomena) . This phenomenon enables the child to develop creativity, an inner fantasy life, which is not intruded upon by reality too much, but is, at the same time, balanced out by reality.

In the Self-Psychology approach, the Self can only go through healthy development if the mother can fulfill a selfobject role for the infant, in other words, can be used as the extension of the child without intrusion of her own Self (Kohut). This is what Winnicot calls “adequate handling” and connects it to the presence of aliveness in the child. “Perception renders fantasy relatively safe; fantasy renders perception relatively meaningful. A sense of personal vitality is generated when each prevents the other from becoming too powerful.” 21

We can speculate about the space of enchantment as a special construct of complex emotions first developing in the playspace, where “reality mingles with magic” (Mares) . The child in the process of play freely creates anything he wants. With imagination, he creates stories and things, and he is absorbed in the play. He is the creator of his world, free from limitations of the outer (in health). The ambiance of positive affect accompanies this process, as the world becomes his.

Harvey writes: One wiccan told me that the ‘Otherworld’ has a strong relation to a playworld, not of theatre play, but of games and joking relationships, and that it is often fuelled by fantasy. Fantasy re-enchants the world for many people, ‘allowing them to talk of elves, goblins, dragons, talking-trees and magic’. It also ‘encourages contemplation of different ways of relating to the world’ and counters the ‘rationality of modernity which denigrates the wisdoms of the body and subjectivity’.

By 18 months, once the mother is recognized as an ‘Object’, we enter the realm of the social, the realm of the other-then-me. The following few years we visit both domains and the enchanted space can be transported from one to the other with ease. That is the time of the internalization of the playspace. The animistic thinking of the child creates a natural background for the magical to flow into the adaptive language, and thinking. During a 4-7 year period with increasing social interest, participation and “exchange” (Meares 93) the Intimate Space develops and the ‘Inner’ becomes silent, but can be brought into a conversation.

Here, “the focus is upon people rather than those things which have been invested with personal feeling and imagining. Under normal circumstances, the orientation towards the outer world does not obliterate that which is embryonically inner. Rather, attention is turned from it.” (Meares)25 The language development and the appearance of privacy mark this new developmental level. This is the time when Self fully develops, signalled by “the coins of intimacy”, and “the currency of its transactions, are secrets” (Pierre Janet, in Meares, 1976).

The mature self then will contain the experience of enchantment as a partial memory of the playspace, and as an active, ever-present potential to reactivate the integrated form of the original experience.

Developmental Conditions

What do we need in order to develop this experience and then maintain it as a part of the narrative of the self?

Naturally, all the conditions that underpin healthy self-development are also necessary for enchantment to be experienced.

Here, I want to pinpoint the most potent requirement: uninterrupted, reliably safe and continuous flow of positive affect that supports the symbolic play. Underpinning that, is the resonating Other, whose presence enables the affects and accompanying imaginations of free play. As the emotional complex of the symbolic play radiates into the world; from the inner into the inner-outer, and back, it forms a ‘capsule’, that contains the seed of enchantment.

If the enchanted experience becomes a dominant feeling in the playspace, if it is recurrent enough, then the content of the capsule, the enchanted tone, becomes a part of inner life, part of the stream of consciousness. Later, by the organising principle of the ‘moving metaphor’, whenever the conditions are right (freedom, safety, intimacy, warmth, playspace), the capsule can be activated.

The most basic sensations of beauty, joy, warmth, safety, the reliability and freedom of uninterrupted flow, and absorption mingle in this capsule. The enchantment experience then can flow into the intimate space and mix with reality. It can stay there as a potential for an imaginative, creative engagement, and also as an often dormant affect state, that can be activated. Optimal conditions for this activation process are: safety, freedom from the pressure of time, responsibility, a sense of relaxation, absence of anxiety, physical wellbeing, in general, space for innerness.

As we discussed before, the enchanted quality that is an integral part of the playspace can transfer into the intimate space, and at times floods our present perceptions when the right conditions are given. But how does this actually happen?

Emde’s (1983) “Affective Core” as the basis for the continuity of the self, informs our assertion of the developmental transition from the magical tone of the playspace to the enchantment experiences of the developed self.

The Activation of the Enchanted Space

The activation of the enchantment experience is likely to happen via metaphoric similarities (Modell 2004) and according to requirements of self-regulation. “Metaphor functions as a pattern detector” (Modell 2004) so that the sensory material, affect, imagery (affect and visual together), preverbal affect (vitality affects), bodily sensations, meaning, ambience of the old situation/relationship, are unconsciously being transported into the here and now. In James words:

Of our own past states of mind we take cognizance in a peculiar way. They are 'objects of memory,' and appear to us endowed with a sort of warmth and intimacy that makes the perception of them seem more like a process of sensation than like a thought.(James 50)

Specific affects and non-specific, amodal ‘vitality affects’ (D. Stern 85) are both “experienced as dynamic shifts or patterned changes within ourselves.” The same neuronal firing pattern, ‘activation contour’ could then belong to any sensory modality: visual, kinaesthetic or auditory. The system of vitality affects can be the carrier of preverbal memories, and can trigger even pre-representational memories by connecting vitality affects of current and old experiences.

Tulving and Schachter’s concept of ‘Priming’ (1990) also serves as an explanatory principle. It involves an emotional, sensory or behavioural response in the here and now, to an unconsciously recalled signal. That signal in our interpretation could be a memory of the enchanted space.

Enchantment and the Unconscious

''One does not have to be a mystic to remain open to the mysteries of human life and human individuality'' (Loewald, 1978, cited in Mitchell, 2000, p. 53) .

As the previously suggested developmental process is part of an unconscious organizing system, it is important to integrate it into modern, relational notions of the Unconscious (Grotstein 2000, Loewald 77, Eigen 98, Mitchelle 2000, Donnel Stern 97 ). The common motive in these preferred theories is the view that the unconscious is a storehouse of creative, enlivening and somewhat mystical forces. These forces are seen to enrich the functioning of the self and considered to be beneficial for direction and guidance.

Some of the authors (like Grotstein 2000, Bion 1965 , Eigen 98 and others) argue that there is a primary ‘already there experience’ in consciousness, a kind of ultimate reality that needs to be preprocessed via the unconscious in order to be made available for self-reflection. The Other (mother or therapist) is viewed as the necessary channel through which the ‘raw material’ that is otherwise unmanageable, can be transformed into manageable forms.

Lowevald talks about the “original density” of experience, referring to a kind of unity of experience where inner and outer, real and fantasy, past and present are undifferentiated. This ‘primal unity’ that characterizes the earliest form of experience, persists throughout life in a hidden form. It binds various segments that appear disconnected together. He writes about the mature organization of our technologically adapted existence where “inside and outside become separate, impermeable domains; self and other are experienced in isolation from each other; actuality is disconnected from fantasy; and the past has become remote from a shallow, passionless present.”

Daniel Stern, when talking about the limitations of linear language, writes:

Language, then, causes a split in the experience of the self. It also moves relatedness onto the impersonal abstract level intrinsic to language, and away from the personal immediate level, intrinsic to the other domains of relatedness.

By “other” he means " the richest forms of experience that emerge in the preverbal realm, with its densely sensual, cross-modal textures”. This is exactly like the experience of enchantment. The ‘unformulated experience’ is there before language, and words are often inadequate to define the right fit, the right meaning. In Donnel Stern’s system the unconscious is a generative and creative force, and accessing it, creates vitality and meaning.

For Steven Mitchell the unconscious is a psychic organization that involves an extremely important part of reality, not captured by rationality. Thus, it becomes a source of revitalization, meaning and of enchantment.
In all these views the emphasis is on the enriching, vitalizing flow that needs to be directed to consciousness. This takes us to the significance of the experience of enchantment in the system of affect regulation, and finally to its use in the psychotherapeutic process.

The Freedom of the Playspace
The Function of the Enchanted Space

The play activity in the fantasy driven, magical playspace is not yet infused with reality. It is completely unbounded, untamed, ‘affect-me’ driven and expressed through ‘me-filled’ action, non-linear language, through the ‘rhythm’ of being (vitality affects). It is vitality itself, and if the qualities of the playspace make the transition into the intimate space, into the self, we have the basis for Korner’s “liveliness”.

Korner’s integrative work on liveliness is congruent with a mechanism that underlines the experience of enchantment:

To accept that an emergent or pre-representational self is a continuing aspect of experience throughout life may be to accept that shifting temporal forms and patterns represent an ongoing mental experience that colours lived reality. (Korner 2000).

Both the pre-representational and the early representational magic of the playspace manifest as an enchanting tone in the mature self. This process captures the essential movement of psychic organizations: from simple towards more complex forms and according to the continuity principle. At times, through unconscious activation of a schema, the experience of an enchanted world rushes into awareness, highlighting something in the presence.

What a wonderful mechanism to create aliveness when we need it, and what a creative space to be utilized! Karl Jung attributed the elaboration of his life work, for example, to his early experiences of play and fantasy:

All my works all my creative activity, has come from those initial fantasies and dreams which began in 1912, almost fifty years ago. Everything that I accomplished in later life was already contained in them, although at first only in the form of emotions and images (1963) .

In the experience of enchantment something very interesting is happening to self-boundaries. Because of the very high level of absorption in the activity and the environment, the self fills with the other, with the external, and perceives that to be almost as alive as the self itself. “We seem to see into the life of things,” wrote Hobson, but the “we” at this instance takes secondary role to the ‘them’ because we are absorbed. In the enchanted space we occupy the world so much that there is no room for us to be in the way. But it is the ‘we’ that holds the experience. Is that what the mystics are referring to when they talk about ‘unity consciousness’?

Ken Wilber in his book, “No Boundary” argues that even to think about the ‘seer’, that ‘sees’ the ‘seen’ is illusory. In his view “whenever we look for a self apart from experience, it vanishes into experience”. This thinking assumes the presence of an ever-evolving absolute or ultimate reality that everything and everyone is a part of. Just like in the previously quoted ideas about the unconscious (Bion's 0, Eigen’s Kabalistic Ein Soph, Grotstein’s ‘god within’). Could it be that the enchantment experience is a window to that ‘already- there-experience’ and provides us with a minute insight into the ‘otherworld’? I don’t know. The quality of engagement with this world that springs out of the enchanted space is however one of intimacy, warmth, and joy. It is very personal, very ‘me’.

The need for a counterpoint to the ratio-dominated linear reality is clearly put forward in the psychotherapy literature. John H.Riker’s beautiful paper, “The Life of the Soul” (2003) approaches the same need from a more philosophical vantage point. He defines a balanced life as an “erotic life”. Erotic life comes about when the “life of desire” and the “proper self-generating motion of the soul” is integrated. Eros here is an organising-unifing principle of the soul and when “awakened, it gathers the soul's parts, makes us feel whole, and infuses us with the most profound expression of the self”. “Plato says, a great daimon - a divine spark longing to unite with ever more transcendent forms of beauty”. We need to balance our “need to be emotionally spontaneous and playful vs. the need to be serious and rationally plan our lives in order to have a life.” Experiences of enchantment do not make life erotic, but contribute to the balance that is needed.

Therapeutic Implications

I believe that the enchanted space is therapeutic, and I connect its healing value to its enlivening effect, to its hedonic tone and to its intimate quality

Actively accessing enchanting images, memories, fantasies in many modalities of psychological intervention have a well-defined and well-deserved place. In Psychoanalytic traditions, particularly in the Jungian tradition for instance active imagination as a technique, and fostering fantasy thinking is well known and documented. This essay cannot be written without a tribute to Karl Jung whose whole working life was a fruitful journey into the integrated world of “transcendent mystery” and the “hard facts” of observation.

Here I would like to focus on Psychotherapies that do not use special regressive techniques but create conditions for the person’s own inner life to unfold in the therapeutic process. I want to draw on the Conversational Model particularly, believing, that the creation of an intimate space and within that the positive qualities of the playspace are inherently facilitated in this modality.
I also favour the ideas of some relational analysts, who indirectly facilitate the enchantment space with their special view of the role of unconscious processes. Overall, all that we consider important in the therapeutic setting, in the frame, and in the therapist’s empathic stand, are in service of the development of the enchanted space.

Without going into much detail about the right ambience of the environment and the role of the therapeutic relationship in the process, let us consider some of the main characteristics of the therapeutic setting from an ‘enchanting’ point of view:

Ideally, the therapist represents a quiet, accepting, reassuring presence. There is a safe, connected relationship that permeates the space. The physical environment is safe, reliable, private and has a warm ambience about it. Preferably it is physically comforting, aesthetically pleasing, where beauty and colour are also represented in a ‘Zen’ arrangement of ornaments, plants, and interesting objects. The whole environment is constructed for deep engagement, a shared exploration, and specifically, for ‘play’.

One day I entered the room of one of my supervisors and my gaze fell on a side table that had a few objects arranged in peculiar manner. The ‘gestalt’ created a beautiful and warm ambience. There were only a few simple objects: a pot plant, some ornaments, a candle and an oil-burner, but together they formed a corner of enchantment. Another one of my supervisors had a painting in the consulting room with a cavalcade of stunning pastel colours painted into a landscape. That painting also radiated the tone of enchantment. Well, it did to me. The therapist’s own capacity for enchantment, his ability to balance both his role as an observer and his role as a participant, provide a background for the experience of the client. As Coleridge noted:

The union of deep feeling with profound thought, the fine balance of truth in observing with the imaginative faculty, in modifying the objects observed; and above all the original gift of spreading the tone, the atmosphere, and with it the depth and height of the ideal world around forms, incidents and situations, of which, for the common view, custom had bedimmed all lustre, had dried up the sparkle, the dew drops .

The psychotherapist has to be able to hold and integrate both poles in such a way that the subject of observation will not diminish into the meaningless, and the obvious.

The following story is a good example for this special exchange.

In one of our seminars in my training group we had a practice session in applying ‘Coupling’, ‘Amplification’ and ‘Representation’ (Meares) as transformational techniques in the therapy process. We partnered up with each other and Partner ‘A’ had to tell the other about his morning. A mundane enough activity, most of the time. I thought! My partner, Greg, recounted the following experience: He woke up to a certain sound as his cat was rattling the flip door going in and out of the house. It was freezing cold, he put something warm on, and made his way to the kitchen, to cook some porridge. He looked through the window and saw frost outside. He dressed, had breakfast and left for work.

As I was listening intently to his recall, my mind was creating the following ‘representation’ of his experience: “Greg opened his eyes under the warm cover and listened for the familiar sweet sounds of his cat playing with the flip door. It was relatively warmer in the room, then, the cat decided to make his way out of the house to start the day. The sound of the flipping door was gently breaking the silence of the night. It was all snowy white outside, and the crispy cold air served as a contrast to the hot steamy porridge that Greg has started to cook in the kitchen. The smell of the cinnamon and honey on the hot bowl filled the house and Greg felt the warmth of his woollen jumper against his skin. The beauty of the white garden as he looked out and the crispy clean air was magical and inviting him to go outside and start the day.”

I told ‘my’ story of his story to Greg, and quite miraculously, his experience was transformed, reflecting my representation of his story. In the relationship, the two of us together, created ‘our’ story of enchantment. In play, we transformed an experience.
Peter Lomas writes about the importance of therapists fostering the sense of the creative, the mystical, and the marvellous in themselves:
Those who come to a psychotherapist for help have become, to a greater or lesser extent, disenchanted with life; they have lost their sense of wonder. One way of conceiving the therapist's task is to say that the aim should be to restore, as far as possible, this sense of wonder. To achieve this requires us, amongst other things, to try to ensure that we do not ourselves adopt a stance that enables wonder to slip out of the room.

Ogden describes a somewhat similar phenomenon with the use of ‘Reverie’. He considers the therapist’s reverie experiences an essential part of the process of analysis as they metaphorically inform the therapist about the unconscious aspect of the therapeutic conversation.

Reverie, like the manifest content of dreams, is an aspect of conscious experience that is intimately connected with unconscious experience. One must struggle to ‘hold on to’ one's reverie experience before it is ‘re-claimed’ by the unconscious.

Some of the previously mentioned relational views of the unconscious also fit in with the idea of the self being enriched, enlivened by the emerging process that is being facilitated in therapy. Therapy “facilitates the flow of unconscious functioning and emotional digestion” (Safran)

Steven Mitchell (2000) describes the more up-to-date (versus the original Freudian idea of the primary process) idea of the therapeutic goal in relation to the unconscious:

The goal of analysis is thus not to tame primary process through secondary process and to learn to live within the constraints of the reality principle, but rather to re-establish the link between primary and secondary process, so that life becomes revitalized and alive.

The Conversational Model of therapy with the metaphor of play, and the creation of the playspace, as the centrepiece of the model, serves as an ideal therapeutic context in which to facilitate the appearance of enchantment. The metaphoric language; the techniques of transformational support (coupling, amplification, representation); the therapist’s empathic and resonating participation; the work in the transference, all assist the gradual appearance of a more absorbed, more lively inner process. Meares argues that in fact one of the main ‘active ingredients’ of the therapeutic process is the facilitation of the associative, reverie-type mental flow by the therapist. I believe that the very selection of the responded content (here, the enchantment space) by the therapist, holds a generative capacity itself. When the client’s enchantment experiences are responded to with empathy, with validation, curiosity and affective matching, the resonated segment of the client’s experience expands. Deepening, amplification occurs, or simply, the experience becomes conscious.

Conclusions

This paper concludes that the magical fantasy-infused worldview of the child in health and during a successful therapeutic process can be remembered and experienced in a mature and integrated form, as an ‘enchanted space’. The memory, or the therapeutic creation of the playspace-affect-tone when fostered, becomes a valuable self-soothing, self-regulating mechanism and a creative force in the service of various self-functions. The activation of the enchanted space is likely to occur when metaphoric similarities between past and present stimulate a memory-complex outside of awareness. The enchanted space has a vitalising effect on the self-system and its creative potential is to be harnessed.

On a more philosophical note, the ‘enchanted space’ contributes to the ultimate balance of the “soul”, as John Riker writes: “But the glow of Las Vegas is not a genuine radiance. It is a siren luring us away from our proper journeys, luring us from ever returning to Ithaca. It was Eros - for Penelope, for his homeland, for his own wholeness - which kept Odysseus on his journey, and Eros which keeps us on ours. When we fill with Eros we become radiantly beautiful and our souls are alive with life.” (Riker 2003)

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The Life of the Soul: An Essay in Ecological Thinking
By John H. Riker, PhD
Professor of Philosophy, Colorado College
2003-2004 Distinguished Heinz Kohut Professor, University of Chicago

Heinz Kohut devoted his life to restoring liveliness to souls that somehow had lost their abilities to live fully. Sometimes the life had disappeared into a depressive dullness, sometimes it could only be expressed within painfully narrow compulsive limits, sometimes it blew itself up into a stupendous but empty grandiosity. In addressing the question of how the soul might be able to achieve its fullest life, Kohut was exploring what I think has been the question for Western culture since the middle of the 19th century, a question pursued with unremitting complexity in Henry James' novels, excavated with frightening depth in Nietzsche's philosophy, and exhibited with ferocious intensity in Van Gogh's paintings. It lies behind the great cultural revolutions at the turn of the century, especially in Vienna, where Klimpt, Kokoschka, Otto Wagner, Robert Musil, Schoenberg, Berg, Freud, and others purposely disrupted an elegant, quite pleased with itself Vienna in an attempt to make life more than one more variation of a waltz by Strauss.

For a number of the most profound thinkers of the past century and a half, happiness and pleasure do not hit the mark as the goal that life ought to be seeking, for these goals are too tame, too connected with the Crystal Palace and the banality of bourgeois existence. The goal of life, for these thinkers, can be nothing other than to live, to live as intensely and as fully as possible, even if that intensity entails destruction and suffering. Wagner, Nietzsche, Dostoevesky, Charcot, Virginia Woolf, and their comrades courageously destroyed traditional cultural forms which they thought were not fully alive, opened the doors of darkness, and attempted to find deeper forms of life that might be hiding in the insane and possessed, the dispossessed and the desperate, the disordered and the wild.

Did they succeed in bringing our culture into a more profound liveliness? The deepest fear I have encountered in students over the past thirty years is that their lives in particular and life in general might turn out to be boring. The worst thing that can be said about a professor or a class is that they are boring. Students are hesitant about committing themselves in work or love, for long-term anything raises the specter of boredom.
Boredom is life that has lost its liveliness. In having such a desperate fear of boredom, these students express the anxiety that our culture, which seems to be the liveliest ever invented, might be hovering over an abyss of deadliness, an abyss Nietzsche named nihilism and Kohut connected to the ever growing presence of narcissism and its inner deadness. One of the quintessential novels of our age, Madame Bovary, identifies modern life as so shallow and its privileged as so self-centered, that ennui is always lurking on the penumbra of the soul. Emma Bovary, like other modern souls, desperately tries to stave off becoming infected with boredom's deadly poison by doing anything that might give excitement. Indeed, the excitement industry - travel, entertainment, television, sports, etc. is by far the largest sector of the modern economy. When one adds that most of the upper classes shop not for things they need, but as a form of excitement, then I think we can see that today's economy is fundamentally about the production of excitement, or, more exactly, about the production of life understood as excitement. The shockingly high rates of infidelity, the cultural obsession with sex and seduction, and the massive use of illegal drugs can all be seen, in part, as desperate attempts to escape boredom and find life in the excitement of the forbidden.

But is excitement life? Might the overemphasis that our culture places on excitement be a flight from some form of cultural deadness? Might we be confusing vitality with pseudovitality, where pseudovitality involves a great deal of doing that has little meaning and gives no lasting satisfaction? What is real life? What sustains genuine vitality in the soul?

Kohut understood that the lack of genuine life in a soul was due to an injury to the self, whereby 'soul' is meant the field of experiencing and 'self' that which gives unity and continuity to experiencing over time. Kohut thought that if the self could be repaired, even restored, then the field of experience would once more have a zest and liveliness to it. In claiming that the life of the soul requires a harmoniously structured self, Kohut places himself in a classical tradition that has its origins in the philosophies of Plato and Aristotle, but pits himself against the most thoughtful of the late modern thinkers who find that having a structured self limits the possibility of the soul's liveliness and spontaneous expression. Philosophers as diverse as Thoreau, Nietzsche, and Whitehead have connected the life of the soul not with structure but wildness and the wilderness (Thoreau), Dionysian chaos (Nietzsche), and adventure and creativity (Whitehead). Heidegger elucidates a concept of authentic living without reference to a self and Lacan goes so far as to see the self as a symptom of pathology. When the post-moderns declare the end of grand narratives, the grandest narrative of all that must die is, they proclaim, that of the self. They see the self as standing in the way of life, while Kohut sees the healthy self as the sine qua non of soul life.

This conflict between soul life needing to be grounded in a structured self versus soul life flourishing in chaos, disruption and spontaneous originality is only one of the tensions between the classical philosophical bedrock that undergirds Western culture and the modern reconception of human life. These conflicts constitute a primary reason why our culture seems so confused, indeed, disoriented about what it means to live most alively, a disorientation that makes us highly vulnerable to the market's dominant vision of life as the exciting pursuit of desire. It is thus crucial that we inquire into the questions of what most deeply nourishes the life of the soul and what gives it a sustained liveliness, for nothing less than how we think it best to live is at stake.
Let me begin this inquiry where I think it must begin: in the vision given to us by Plato and Aristotle, for this understanding of the soul's life grounded the West for two millennia and still compels much in how we go about living our lives.

Part I: The Classical Conception of the Soul's Life
Socrates, the first Western psychologist and philosopher who inquired into the soul, made a remarkable, brilliant claim: "And again life? Shall we say that is the function of the soul?" (Republic, 353d) Simple, direct, and, perhaps, the most profound of all truths - the soul's proper activity is life. What the psyche most deeply yearns for is simply to live - to live as fully as it possibly can. Socrates then took a fateful step, perhaps the most fateful step ever taken in Western thought. He might have reveled in the myriad different ways that people find to bring life to the soul - in adventure, love, art, friendship, having children, encountering danger, political maneuvering, gourmet appreciation, discussing philosophy, and so on, but he didn't. Rather he asked, "What kind of life is most alive?" Indeed, he posed this question, "What kind of life is most alive?" as the most fundamental question that a human being can ask and thought that a life which didn't ask this question was not a life worth living. By asking this question he announced, as Jonathan Lear has so eloquently shown (Lear, 2000), that we have lives. Life is not something that merely happens to one, but something we can actively pursue. Not only do we each have a life, but a kind of a life, and it makes all the difference what kind of a life we live. He then proposed a startling idea: the kind of life we lead is determined by the kind of soul we have. Not only does life come in kinds but so do souls.

What kind of soul is most alive? Socrates' and Plato's answer to this question is stunning. They proclaimed that the most alive soul was the soul of an ethical person. The most alive person was one who was just, courageous, self-controlled, and wise; someone who lived by principles rather than personal whims and desires.

Their reasoning for this stunning conclusion was equally stunning. First, Plato and Socrates equated life with activity, with a self-generating motion. As Plato says in the Phaedrus:
All soul is immortal, for that which is ever in motion is immortal. But that which while imparting motion is itself moved by something else can cease to be in motion, and therefore can cease to live. . . we shall feel no scruple in affirming that precisely that is the essence and definition of soul, to wit, self-motion. (245d-e).

From this one basic claim - that the essential activity of the soul is self-motion - we can derive all the major tenets of Plato's philosophy. If self-motion is the essence of the soul, then passivity, or being determined by exterior forces is the negation of this essence. Likewise, if the soul's proper function is life, then its most dreaded enemy, its ultimate violation, is death. Yet, passivity and death seem inevitable, for the soul must respond to objects and sooner or later will be done in by them. It seems then that tragedy offers the proper understanding of the life of the soul. But Plato, who was tempted by but eschewed becoming a tragedian, followed Socrates in thinking that the soul could establish its first-principle as a self-generating motion and thereby come to discover its immortality. When it does, then all the anxiety and passivity that comes from fearing death is overcome and the soul, now secure in the knowledge that its life will never cease, is fully able to live.

To understand how the soul can properly enact its essential activity and achieve fullness of life, it is best to first look at the most tempting form of false life that attracts the soul, the form of life espoused by the Sophists: the life of desire. Desires, for Plato, are atomic, blind impulses that want immediate satisfaction without concern for the person as a whole. They arise not from the soul itself, but typically from the body or from social pressures. And they are ceaseless. As soon as one desire is satisfied another arises, and another, and another, like the hydra's head that simply seems to keep multiplying when one thinks it has been cut off. When we live out of our desires, we are, in Socrates' words, sieves, desperately trying to fill a bucket that is full of holes. We suffer desires and become enslaved to them. This is not life; it is passivity. It is bondage.
The soul properly engaged with its essential life is not the Desiring Soul but the Erotic Soul. Desire seeks to consume the world, to transform what is other into what is mine. Eros loves the world and reverences its beauty. It wants to merge or join with the beauty of its objects, not consume them. Like desire, eros begins in lack, but what it seeks is not this or that satisfaction but the completion of the soul itself. Indeed, the original act in originating the life of eros is the acknowledgement of the lack - the lack of grounded meaning, the lack of knowledge of what it means to be human, the lack of completeness, and the lack of immortality. These gaping holes in the soul, this lack of form, is understood by Plato as a kind of originary ugliness that longs for beauty to transform it. The proper activity of the soul, then, is to fill this chaos by seeking the beautiful and through it becoming itself beautiful by gaining form, knowledge, meaning and immortality.

However, all forms of beauty that are connected to the physical, changeable world are subject to disintegrating forces. That is, they are subject to external causes and can change. To have them as the soul's grounding objects is to endanger the soul, for when they change, the soul suffers and becomes passive. The only object that can truly sustain the activity of the soul is an object that in no way participates in the passive and changeable, namely, the form of beauty itself - pure, eternal, unmoving and immoveable Beauty.

The need for the soul to dwell on Beauty itself, or in the Republic, the Good, can be made clearer by understanding the fundamental principle of all ancient psychology: the soul becomes like the object it intends. If all it intends are the objects of this world - objects that change, come into being and pass out of being - then it retains a chaotic mortal nature. But should it dwell upon eternal, perfect objects, then it, too, cloaks itself in these characteristics and knows its nature for the first time - to be that which has eternal life. Anxiety leaves the soul and we attain a peacefulness that goes with the knowledge that "nothing can harm a good man in life or after death." (Apology, 41d) Paradoxically, the moment in which the self-movement of the soul most profoundly realizes itself is a moment of total stillness, of non-movement. Whatever else the life of the soul is for Plato, this paradox seems to be at its heart.

The most alive life, the most erotic life, then, is the life that seeks and discovers the eternal. But part of the eternal is the ethical. The ethical is the life of principle in which what is particular, that is to say mortal and changeable, is not recognized as compelling. Particularity - our gender, class, nationality, biological desire, and socially constructed desire are all ways in which we participate in passivity, in fields of causation. By rising above our particularity to universal principles which hold for all human beings, we escape the field of causation and gain a different kind of meaning for our lives, a meaning which supercedes the narrowness of constant self-reference that haunts the life of particularity. For Plato, the ethical is not a restriction on our life, but a way to break our bondage to passivity and free the self-motion of the soul.

Finally, that part of the soul that can locate and dwell with the universal and the eternal is, of course, reason. Desires and emotions are tied to the immediate world of change and particularity, but humans have another part of their souls, seemingly unique to them, that can do mathematics, ask about essential definitions, and contemplate essential forms. Reason, with the help of the moral virtues, also has the power to guide and control the desires and emotions. With this control we can have genuinely active, self-determining lives, rather than being at the mercy of the vicissitudes of existence.
While Plato's critique of desire and his attempt to define the life of the soul in terms of a paradoxical union of eros and reason, self-movement and the unmoving universal, might seem antiquarian to us, I will later try to show that he has captured much of what is essential to the life of the soul.

Aristotle transforms the germ of Plato's ideas into a naturalist framework that emphasizes that the life of the soul, understood not as an eternal subjectivity but as lived experience, is essentially connected to a process of becoming. Life is growth, development, actualization. For Aristotle, all species of life involve growth from an initial immature state to a mature state. Each living thing has a natural entelechy, a potentiality, longing to reach a mature state. This concept of potentiality is like Plato's originary lack, but has more of a sense of an unactualized germ longing to achieve a definiteness proper to its species. The mature state for humans is that state which they alone in nature can attain, namely the state of being self-determining beings capable of choosing their own lives. But choosing a life is no easy matter - it requires first that we be able to moderate the power of the passions, for their demand for instant gratification is compulsive and takes away the possibility for choice. Second, we must be able to deliberate about the options and possibilities available to us and select the right one. The development of the moral virtues is what moderates the passions, and the development of the intellectual virtues is what allows us to think well. The moral virtues and reason transform blind impulses and worldly pressures from passive determinations of the soul into proper soul activity. The more we are capable of self-control, sophrosyne, and careful, complex reasoning, the more we are capable of being self-determining agents. Indeed, it is gaining the abilities to control the impulses in the human organism and choose how we want to live that define, in modern terms, what it means to have a self. I think Aristotle is the first theoretician to clearly make the claim that the kind of person capable of the most soul life is the person who develops the most self.

Add one other important Aristotlean doctrine to this picture of the alive soul. In order for the moral virtues to develop, a person needs to grow up in a polis in which the virtues are both modeled and reinforced. When a person develops the moral virtues, such as courage, moderation, justice, benevolence, and generosity, he not only gains a self but becomes the kind of person who can live in and sustain a well-functioning polis. That is, the intellectual and moral virtues not only allow individual agents to emerge, but they are also the traits that allow community to emerge, a community which in turn provides the arena in which the good person is able to enact the virtues.

Here we have the moral equations that have stood as the cornerstone on which Western culture was built. The most alive person is the person who is not passive, not thrown around by circumstances or irrational emotions. The most alive person is the self-determining agent, someone capable of choosing and enacting his own life. Such a person is also the most mature, most actualized, most morally virtuous, most rational, and most community-oriented of human beings. And we can add that this person is also the happiest, for happiness ensues when we develop our deepest human potentials for living a rational, self-directed life.
This classical paradigm for what constitutes the most alive soul can be seen as regnant for the West throughout its history. The emphasis on the life of the soul as rational activity rather emotional passivity underlies the great Hellenistic ethical systems in which the Epircureans sought ataraxia - a cessation of disturbance - and the Stoics sought apathia - the overcoming of suffering due to exterior forces. Even Kant's ethics can be seen as merely purifying the classical system. Since the moral virtues must be inscribed by social agencies and the intellectual virtues learned from teachers, the classical model of the soul still has heteronomous forces working in it. The only fully active, free act of the soul is willing the categorical imperative, for this is the one act in which the soul wills only its own rational nature. The classical paradigm's remnants are still with us in the emphasis we place on the development of reason, self-control, the grammatical abhorrence of the passive voice, and, above all, the active, assertive nature of individuality. But these terms waver in their meanings from those of the classical paradigm because an eruption of thought that began in the late 18th century has modified everything.

Part II: Late Modernity's Conception of the Soul's Life
With Faust, Goethe announces the death of the classical vision. The play opens with Faust as a great philosopher/scientist who has lived the life of the mind - precisely the ancient paradigm of the best life - about to commit suicide, the only act that can adequately express his inner deadness. Reason did not bring life to him but an empty, lonely existence. Rather than killing himself, Faust magically opens up the dark powers of the soul represented by Mephistopholes and proceeds to locate life in emotion, adventure, sex, love, the chaos of Walpurgis Nacht, and even capitalistist land development. On the way he seduces and leaves Margarita, kills her mother and brother, drives her to such insanity that she kills their child, has an affair with Helen of Troy, kills paradigmatically good persons in Baucis and Philemon to get their land for his development project, and for all of his destructiveness and compact with the forces of darkness, he is saved because he has strived. Faust - wild, chaotic, dark, emotional, immoral, disruptive Faust - is the new hero of the modern age, the hero who proclaims that life must include the forces of darkness, irrationality, and chaos to be fully alive.

The shift from life understood as the outcome of rational deliberation and moral control of the passions to life as spontaneity, creativity, concrete particularity, and emotional intensity explodes upon the West at the end of the 18th century and is found in almost all aspects of the culture: in the shift from formal French gardens to the English natural garden with its surprise pagoda or secret pond; the shift from Alexander Pope's ordered couplets to Wordsworth's open verse recalling us to mysteries of nature; the shift from the serenely ordered canvases of David to the wild shapes and colors of Delacroix and Turner; and the shift from the divine harmonies of Bach to the driving dissonances of Wagner. Emerson called us to discover our own originality of experience by spontaneously responding to the nature, and Thoreau wrote, "The most alive is the wildest. . . All good things are wild and free." (Walking, 97, 106) Whitehead, still to me the greatest of the 20th Century philosophers, asserted that life was a creative rather than repetitive response to the environment. Life was above all else, adventure. And in the most thoughtful recent book on the life of the soul, Happiness, Death, and the Remainder of Life, Jonathan Lear persuasively argues that life cannot be understood in a system or be systematically prescribed. Life is what remains outside the system, a swerve or break of the soul that occurs for no good reason. Life is that which must disrupt itself in order to live. It is more connected to irrationality than rationality, more to be enacted than understood.

It is Nietzsche who finds the most compelling style to express this new vision of the alive soul. Aphorisms, metaphors, symbols, spontaneous outbursts of rage, delight, disgust, joy, night songs, and unremitting irreverence explode off his pages, bringing to life and making us believe in his vision of the fully alive soul, the overman or free spirit. The free spirit is forever being like a child, spontaneously creating new games to play and then not taking the games too seriously so that they trap him in a structure that then becomes the purpose of life. The most alive soul must value nothing higher than life itself. All metaphysics, all morals, all higher goals are in essence life-destroying for they proclaim that life is worthwhile only if this value can be attained or only if some metaphysical being, such as God, exists. Nothing can be higher than life itself. Even if a structure of meaning is of our own making, it must be challenged and questioned and overcome, or else we become prisoners of our past decisions. Life is will-to-power; and all acts of genuine will destroy previous structures to create new horizons. For what purpose? For no purpose other than the sheer life joy of willing.

While Nietzsche's free spirit can been seen as another attempt to find what kind of soul is most alive, it is an ironic attempt, for it is the kind of soul that refuses to be a 'kind of a soul.' Free spirits enact their particularity and refuse to define themselves in universal terms.

Note that Nietzsche accepts the classical notion that life is in essence the self-movement of the soul, but rejects the notion that this activity is to be seen as reason choosing how to live. Reason is not capable of lifting us out of external determination, for all of its forms are polluted with social determinations. The only true motion of the soul is the will enacting itself - not for a purpose or rational goal, but out of its spontaneously creative particularity.

We are a long way from the classical vision of the life of the soul. For Plato, chaos is the worst enemy of the state and soul; now it is valorized as the proper breeding ground of life. For Aristotle the virtues are habits, reinforced and predicable responses to common human situations. As such the virtues seem to negate a readiness to be creative and spontaneous. Reason - the faculty most revered by the ancients - is now seen as controlling, abstract, impersonal, unspontaneous, and deadly in its effect on the intensity of emotional life. The happy, virtuous, rational person is not only not seen as the most alive kind of human being, but is despised as a false paradigm luring us away from what really is most alive.

It is this emphasis on the spontaneous, creative, particular, and intense as the essence of the soul's life that put into grave doubt whether some kind of substantial self was a necessary ground for its liveliness. Whatever else the self is, it is always seen to carry some kind of identity, some explanation for our felt sameness through time. But sameness is just the opposite of adventure, creativity, and spontaneity. How can something which is permanent, structured, and repetitive explain or ground the possibility for creative, original responses?

Late Modernity stands opposed to the classical vision of the life of the soul in another crucial way. When asked, "What is the greatest danger to the life of the soul?", modernity with almost a singular voice answers, "society." With the coming of mass democratic society, the harmony of self and society so eloquently espoused in Aristotle is shattered. John Stuart Mill was horrified by a new kind of tyranny, the tyranny of the majority. Emerson and Thoreau would have us leave society for nature in order to find our natural vitality.

For these mid-19th century thinkers the dangers of society, such as the pressure to conform, could be consciously recognized and negotiated. What Nietzsche and Heidegger discovered in the next half century was that social forces infiltrated the soul beneath a level of conscious awareness. While these unconscious social forces impose themselves without noticeable trauma and can be uncovered without working through defenses or resistences, they are, nonetheless deadly in their effect on the soul's original vitality.

Nietzsche located society's life-negating force in the institution of morality. Psychologically what moral ideals do is to constrict experience within a narrow range, repress individual expression, and demand a stifling conformity. When we impose moral judgments on others we not only demand that they conform to our standards for what human beings should be but also express our rancor and resentment for having had our own vitality reduced by moral judgments having been imposed on us.

Heidegger goes further. He claims the social collective can colonize subjectivity. "It could be the case that the who of everyday Dasein is precisely not I myself." . . .The 'who' is the neuter, the they. In [its] inconspicuousness and unascertainability, the they unfolds its true dictatorship. We enjoy ourselves and have fun the way they enjoy themselves. We read, see, and judge literature and art the way they see and judge. But we also withdraw from the 'great mass' the way they withdraw, we find 'shocking' what they find shocking." (Being and Time, 119 sec. 27)

When the they colonizes subjectivity, everyday life becomes characterized by idle talk, shallow curiosity, and a tranquilizing busyness. Life falls into an average everydayness, like a stream caught endlessly in an eddy. The subject is not even alive; rather the They, like a parasite, lives through its host body converting it into a token of the social type. Such socially colonized organisms lose awareness of their own being and the Being of beings as they live out the social agenda. The only way Dasein can overcome this social dictatorship is not through reason or the virtues, but by experiencing Angst and being thrown toward its own mortality.
In short, if in the classical model the most alive person was the moral citizen, contemporary philosophers understand that both society and morality are infused with life-negating power. While they understand that we could not be human without society or some ethical system, they hold that in order to be fully alive, we must at some level rebel or retreat from the social order. Life involves a necessary alienation. Thus, the exquisite classical vision of the harmony of individual and society, of a coincident individual liveliness and social vitality is shattered in the modern world. The most alive soul can no longer be the beautifully socialized person, but is the alienated individual who must both affirm her social being and struggle against it.

Worse, not only do unconscious social forces enervate us, but we can have our souls controlled and diminished by unconscious personal forces. This is Freud's piece of the puzzle. Freud found that a soul could turn against itself, constrict its own liveliness, and never know consciously that it was engaged in undermining itself. Life lived through the psychic defenses is repetitive - that is, dulled, and constricted. Projections, transferences, and disassociations distort or distance us from reality, making us feel as if we were living "as if" lives rather than existing in the robustness of reality. The narcissistic defenses cocoon us into small solipsistic universes. The manic defenses make us feel ever-so energized, but it is a false liveliness, a great deal of motion in which nothing much matters except the motion itself.

Strangely the soul enacts these life-lessening defenses in order to protect its very life, for had the defenses not been erected the coherence of the ego might have been shattered by an intense conflict and the person become psychotic. The problem with the defenses is that they seem like a good bargain at first - to protect the ego from traumatic, coherence-shattering conflict and anxiety, but as repetitive structures, they then disallow emotional growth and connection to reality, even when the psyche eventually becomes strong enough to deal with the conflict that traumatized it.

Freud associates the life of the soul with the id. The more the id is able to directly discharge its drive energies, the more alive we feel. This is somewhat complicated by the fact that one of the drives is not for life, but death; yet, the act of discharging aggression is an act of life. But Freud understands that humans with unrestricted id drives cannot form the social communities necessary to sustain the existence of the species. Compromises must be made. The spontaneous discharge of the drives needs to be balanced by attending to reality and the values of the community. The best compromises seem to occur in psyches that have strong egos, or what I will term, selves. The more self there is, the less the organism will experience anxiety and have to use defenses to control the id forces. Defensive structuring of psychic dynamics always results in less life than when an ego can sustain its coherence and find either sublimated activities or substitute objects for drives that have unacceptable consequences in social reality.

Hence, the best realistic solution to how to be most alive is to develop a self or "I" capable of living in a social reality without excessive repression of the drives or guilty submission to an overly demanding superego when necessary. This need for a structured self to sustain life dramatically contrasts with the direction taken by Nietzsche, Heidegger, and Lacan's reading of Freud.

Now you can see we are in a mess. The conflicts between these sundry notions about the life of the soul do not condense into a nice set of binary oppositions that can be resolved dialectically. It is a melee of ideas. The reigning response to this melee seems to be to respect diversity and revel in the myriad ways in which souls can choose to live. This response would have us give up Socrates' question about which kind of soul is most alive and admit that any way a soul can find to live in its particular conditions of existence is to be affirmed. This position is surely right in claiming that there can be no single best way for all souls to live. And it is profoundly right in claiming that acceptance and affirmation of the particular form of life we are living is crucial for the liveliness of the soul. Yet, I do not want to give up Socrates' question, for without this inquiry we would, I think, not be quite so alive. And just because there might not be some ideal kind of soul for all of us to have does not mean that some very important things can't be said about what crushes or enlivens the life of the soul.

The predominant historical way for resolving these tensions about the life of the soul has been to think about them hierarchically, to arrange them in order of importance, or to have one major psychic function, such as reason or creative response, become the leading carrier of the life of the soul. I prefer to think about these ideas ecologically, that is as forming a complex web of balances and tensions, in which each of the ideas and thinkers I have mentioned so far has understood a salient part of the ecosystem of the soul. Hierarchy makes us forgetful of what it leaves out or diminishes. When our hierarchical minds are seduced by Nietzsche, they forget Aristotle's truths; when they are on Heidegger's path to Being, they dangerously lose sight of the need for personal and social ethics. Hence, ecological thinking fits with Wittgenstein's dictum that philosophy be "a set of reminders" recalling us to what we know but have forgotten because some brilliant theory has blinded us.

Part III: Ecological Resolutions:

I want to think ecologically about the tensions raised in this paper by first elucidating a theory that weaves together a number of their insights: the psychoanalytic theory of Heinz Kohut.
Kohut claims that we all start our psychological lives as a reservoir of narcissistic grandiosity. I believe that Kohutian grandiosity is the exuberant, wild, dynamic, chaotic spontaneity cherished in modern thought. It reverberates with Plato's self-moving soul, Freud's libido, Bergson's elan vital, and Thoreau's wildness. It is akin to Lacan's jouissance, or, as psychoanalyst Michael Eigen writes, "In the beginning is Jouissance, and Jouissance in delirium sings, dances, creates the Word. Aliveness is ecstasy." (1998, 135) This original grandiosity is the kind of energy that Nietzsche has in mind when he images the highest metamorphosis of the soul as being a child, "a new beginning, a game, a self-propelled wheel, a first movement, a sacred 'Yes'." (Zarathustra, 27) Grandiose energy lives in the chaos of a soul that has, as yet, no self to structure it.
But this grandiosity is also without form and, hence, is only a potentiality. It is energy that is in a divine state, a state of perfection. It has not yet incarnated. It is also narcissistic energy - energy that has no concern for others, no concern for the necessary conditions that make life possible, no concern for development. In order to actualize and live, it must incarnate. The primal energy must transform into a self.

Kohut claims the development of the self follows two paths. First, the grandiose child soon realizes that it is not the master of the world; indeed, it is the world's most vulnerable entity. This causes great anxiety and in response the child takes a portion of its perfection and projects it into its parents or caretakers, idealizing them as gods whose fundamental concern is, of course, to care for and protect the child. If parents can carry this idealization well, then later the child will be able to re-integrate this projected perfection back into itself, but now in terms of having its own ideals. These ideals form a teleological part of the self, a part that lures the organism to develop by providing the hope of re-experiencing its own perfection through realizing its ideals. When the idealizing function of the self is healthy, life is alive with direction, for there is a meaning to be achieved, and as it is achieved the psyche glows in its perfection - just as Plato said.

The second path of transformation sees the grandiose energy converting into what Kohut calls ambitions or what I would term a person's ability to be assertive and active in the real world without undue guilt or sadistic aggression. It is the thrust behind Aristotle's sense of agency. Its energy is vectoral. It is the vitality we have available for doing and living. It is our zest for life now. In contrast, the idealized pole concerns meanings to be realized; its energy is scalar. It lures us to be more than what we now are.

In order to intersect the real world and be effective, the vectoral energy of the grandiose pole must, as Aristotle said, undergo a developmental training, or what Kohut calls optimal frustration. In optimally frustrating experiences the child replaces infantile greatness with the sense of worth that comes through accomplishment. For instance, when the young child receives the command that it must give up its infantile defecation habits and use a toilet, it is deflating to its infantile grandiosity. But, if the toilet can be mastered, the sense of greatness that accompanies this triumph will replace the original infantile grandiosity. This replacement of infantile grandiosity with the self esteem that comes through accomplishment moves the psyche over time from being completely subject to the responsiveness of the world to being a self-determining agent capable of living in reality.

The remainder of the grandiose energy, what is left over after portions of it have been transformed into ideals and ambitions, is a sheer exuberance of being alive. It sometimes takes the form of sexual libido, sometimes expresses itself in sheer aesthetic delight, sometimes it comes forth as playfulness, and sometimes as the spark of creative imagination. It is this part of life that classical philosophy left out, and which Nietzsche, Thoreau, and the Romantics remind us is essential.

When the idealized pole and sense of agency unite with the idiosyncratic predispositions and talents of a person, a nuclear self is formed. This self harbors the original liveliness of the organism, gives it disciplined energy for action, and generates a strong sense of meaningfulness in its ideals. It is a self that embodies the ideals of Plato, the developmental path toward self-determination of Aristotle, and the creative verve of Nietzsche. By balancing these three senses of life, Kohut avoids the infantilism and lack of development that haunts Nietzsche's free spirit, the over control of Aristotle's virtuous agent, and the negation of particularity that mars Plato's thought.

What is crucial is that the three strands of the original energy be well-balanced. Too much energy in the idealized pole with concomitant injuries to the grandiose side of the self leads to attempting to live out an idealized version of who one is, without ever feeling real or grounded in one's particularity. Since one can never be equal to an ideal, such a person can fill with unconscious guilt and self loathing. On the other hand, if the grandiose pole is intact but the idealizing function is injured, then one can engage in a great deal of activity, but lack a sense that it is meaningful. Life is full of action, but it has an internal deadness to it. If too much of the grandiosity is devoted to accomplishment, one can lose a sense of the joy, creativity, and playfulness of life. Life becomes a bit too much of a serious business.

Finally, if too much of the grandiose energy is left in its original narcissistic state - unorganized and ready for spontaneous involvement, then a kind of shallowness of experience ensues. While it is easy to find each of these kinds of unbalanced energies in our culture, I think that this last imbalance is especially endemic, due to our culture's emphasis on spontaneous excitement as the most lively form of life. An overemphasis on life as spontaneity entails that one can be fully alive without development, without the attempt to forge oneself through difficult choices, without deepening one's aesthetic awareness or complexifying one's ideals. Hence, we live in a pop culture whose forms of life seem too often to revolve around teenage exuberance; that is, to revolve around the age in which first spontaneous choices are made. Youth is valorized as the apex of life, and adulthood appears as a set of burdens and responsibilities that make life a bit less alive. Many young people dread the thought of growing up. The classical understanding that genuine self-determination requires the moral and intellectual virtues and needs to take place in a structure of meaning that is not merely self-referential is needed here to balance the picture.

Add one more important part of Kohutian theory to this picture of the soul's life. Kohut found that the self could not sustain its vitality without the aid of others assuming its functions, almost totally in infancy and then at different times throughout life. He found that the grandiose energy of the self needed to be empathically mirrored and soothed in order to remain vital and that the sense of meaningfulness could not be sustained unless early caretakers were comfortable being idealized and did not violate that idealization. As such, he thought the key to sustaining the liveliness of the soul was having others close to one who are capable of empathic mirroring, holding idealization, and, later, forming twinship relationships. Those who play these roles for us Kohut entitled self-objects, because they function as part of ourselves. He went so far as to say that self objects are as crucial to psychological life as oxygen is to biological life. By including this strong notion of interdependency, Kohut breaks with the value of self-sufficiency that runs from Plato through Nietzsche and incorporates the strongest value of feminist philosophy. Plato's truth that the soul is a self-moving principle must be balanced by an opposing equal truth: the soul cannot live without the care of others. Parents, friends, and beloveds are as vital to the life of the soul as any internal principle it develops.

While Kohut helps us see how the classical emphasis on ideals and rational agency can fit with the modern emphasis on exuberant spontaneity and interdependency, his theory is far from a complete theory of what is needed for the life of the soul. For one, he does not address the problems of living in contemporary society. One could have a healthy self from a self-psychological point of view and still succumb to the enervating forces of the social unconscious. Here I think Kohut's psychology of the self needs to be supplemented with Heidegger's ontological investigation of subjectivity.

For Heidegger, we cannot free ourselves from the invasive "They" and the generalized everyday life it forces on us unless we can come to experience the Being of our ownmost being, unless we can descend into the concrete particularity and mystery of our own existence. We need to retreat from the busyness of everyday life, the demands of moral responsibility, and the usual psychological places our souls occupy to rediscover a place where we wonder at the very being of conscious experience, where we become in Heidegger's words, Dasein. Dasein is our radical contingency - we might not have been at all, there is no final explanation as to why we are who we are or why we are in the particular world that we inhabit, and we will, certainly, at some indefinite time, cease to be entirely. To authentically affirm one's life is, for Heidegger, to anticipate one's death, to affirm living even knowing that one's ownmost most certain possibility is the impossibility of oneÕs existence. In this paradoxical place of authentically being ourselves, we do not reference experience to an "I" but to "is". Heidegger lets us see that the life of the soul is not only psychological, but ontological; we might be humans with their peculiar kind of psyche but we also participate in Being. Indeed, we participate in Being at that wondrous metaphysical place where Being discloses itself to itself. To be fully alive, we must be attuned to this place.

The second way Kohut's psychology of the self needs philosophy is that it lacks a critical theory of what constitutes mature agency. While the psychoanalyst needs to concern herself with how deeply the ability to be assertive and energetically alive has been injured, mature humans need to be able to advance beyond the narcissistic ambitiousness of childhood to mature responsible agency. This transformation, I believe, can occur only by developing the moral and intellectual virtues identified by Aristotle. These virtues are not to be conceived of as social impositions and constrictions of a vital individuality, but as the means - the "by virtue of" - through which the individual can realize her own powers and potentialities. That our culture often fails to recognize that the virtues must be added to ambitiousness in order to generate mature agency is revealed all too often in scandals like that at Enron. Here the misunderstanding of the life of the soul has had dire effects on the entire economy and the vitality of the nation.

The third major lack in Kohut's theory is that he does not address what kind of ideals need to be developed by mature persons. He shows that healthy human functioning requires the ability to be moved by ideals, but does not comment on how to distinguish repressive, immature, limited, or false ideals from those that reflect the deepest commitments of the self and its humanity. Nor should he, for this is the work of philosophy. As a philosopher, I want to add to Kohut's theory that insofar as our ideals relate only to our pursuits for personal pleasure and grandiose stature they will fail to issue into a full liveliness of the soul. To live as an isolated atom in forgetfulness that one's being is given by and sustained through others in a community is to be, in Hegel's and Kierkegaard's words, an abstraction. It is a failure to acknowledge one's own humanity. When our ideals are too concentrated on the "I", then we can live on the precipice of meaninglessness, are constantly restless and anxious about the worth of our personal existence, and are tortured between asserting our greatness while all the time knowing its insignificance in the wider range of things. Such a person will be able to engage only in shallow friendships, for no friendship can sustain the absence of ethical concern. And such persons will tend to project their own self-centeredness onto others and condemn themselves to live in a world they see as hostile, greedy, and uncaring.

I think the life of the soul, therefore, does require that the ideals that sustain us in mature life have some ethical component in them, some concern for wider, more permanent structures of value, some way of recognizing that we are social beings, rational beings, and, as Marx says, species beings. The most alive soul is an ethical soul. Indeed, I think that Plato is right when he says that the soul longs for the eternal and the universal. Even further, I agree with Plato that participating in the universal gives a sense of life to the soul that it can get in no other way. The kind of life that ensues from participating in this realm has the character of radiance, a quality seemingly absent from lives devoted to the merely personal. This radiance carries a peacefulness without loss of vitality, a quietness that is fully alive, a sense of deep purposefulness to life. Neither excitement nor personal accomplishment can give this state of mind. It is, as Plato and Aristotle say, life taken to another level, a level at which the intense anxiety about being a personal self is overcome.
And, yet, we must be careful, for balanced against the need to hold our lives up to ideals is the need to affirm, accept and even delight in just who we are. As Michael Eigen says in speaking of people whose lives have been blocked by various psychopathologies, "The problem is that these so-called deformations are life itself - mixtures of ambition, aggression, rivalry, envy, ugliness, beauty, cruelty, love, passion, wonder, hate, beatific surges, bitterness, openness, rigidity, resolve, vacillation." (1999, p. 203) Life is not what ought to happen but what does happen. While ideals have an important role to play in sustaining the life of the soul, the first principle of soul life must be to accept whoever and whatever one is. The second principle is that one must hold oneself accountable to her ideals.

This tension leads us, in the final act of this paper, back to Plato's Phaedrus. In that dialogue Plato metaphorizes the soul's life as a chariot being pulled by a dark horse full of unruly jouissance coupled with a calm white horse full of order, meaning, and obedience. In this metaphor Plato recognizes that the soul has multiple parts and these are forever in conflict with one another. That is, the life of the soul is dynamic. What I have proposed in this paper is that the dynamism of the soul is not just two horses dialectically struggling with one another, but a huge herd of horses of every hue, each with its own energy and gift to give the life of the soul. Plato's way of solving the soul's conflicts, at least in the Republic, is to call upon a strong charioteer to hierarchically reign in the soul's unruly parts, giving kingship to reason and peasanthood to the desires and emotions. Two millennia later Nietzsche and Freud revealed the repressions and life-defeating tendencies of such a psychic arrangement, and our political history has revealed the unremitting violence contained in it.
Rather than thinking of the soul as consisting of two opposed elements - one good and one problematical, think of the psyche as a complex ecosystem with many populations in delicately balanced interdependencies and tensions with each other. Each of the parts of the psyche is a good that has the possibility of becoming evil if it is overly powerful or under-represented. We have seen many of these tensions already - the need for original spontaneity vs. organizing ourselves ethically, the longing for universal meaning vs. the need to ground ourselves in our Dasein particularity, the need to be a self-generating motion vs. our need for self objects, the need to belong to a community vs. the need to free ourselves from its everydayness, the need to be emotionally spontaneous and playful vs. the need to be serious and rationally plan our lives in order to have a life. The soul's ecosystem can be rent in many ways, but its most serious rents occur when a part of the soul is disassociated from it and falls into the unconscious where it can symptomatize the organism, undermine the liveliness of the soul, and bring unintentional pain and suffering to others. The retrieval of these unconscious parts is not, for me, a matter of personal choice but one of ethical duty.

How can we retrieve these parts and hold the tensions together in a dynamic full life of the soul if we do not invoke a strong charioteer to do the reigning in? I believe the answer lies in Eros, in living erotically.
For Plato Eros longingly seeks union with the beautiful in order that the soul might complete itself. Spinoza's variation of this principle is that genuine love increases our ability to be active rather than passive, and Freud adds that Eros is forever seeking to join disparate elements into greater harmonies. These most thoughtful of our thinkers point to erotic life as the life of development, of expanding horizons, and of deeper more complex integrations of soul life. When we lovingly retrieve a lost piece of ourselves from the unconscious, we feel a dynamic increase in activity, for the psychic energy that had been used for repetitive defensive purposes is now available for life. When we fall in love with someone in the world and unite with their beauty, we soar with radiant energy.

We live in an age which favors the life of desire in forgetfulness of that which is the proper self-generating motion of the soul, Eros. The difference between the Desiring Soul and the Erotic Soul is that desires need not involve deep commitment or a developmental urge, but Eros does. Erotic commitment entails memory and steadfastness; erotic development entails growth and openness. Once I forget why I became a philosopher or cease growing as a philosopher, I lose my eros for philosophy and start becoming, as they say, deadwood. Once I forget how we fell in love or cease trying to be more capable of intimacy, I cease having eros for my marriage, and love falls into an average everyday routine. While our souls can be erotically stimulated whenever they encounter beauty, our erotic commitments must, by necessity, be few. And these few must express the essence of our nuclear selves or else they will dissipate our energies.

While what eros seeks can differ from person to person, its one necessary object must be the soul itself. It is eros that calls us to undertake the journey to "know thyself" and through that knowing to become whole. What needs unification, what needs beauty, what needs to gather its manyness into a harmony is the soul. This gathering cannot be done by a ruthless rational charioteer organizing the soul in hierarchical ways, for this always involves more fragmentations. Rather, when eros is allowed to flourish in the soul, we come to love all the parts of ourselves and their tensions, and can love and even laugh at the impossibility of being human.
Eros is not to be understood as another transformation of primal energy - it is not like ambition or ideals or creative spontaneity, although it shares characteristics with each of these. If it has a relationship to the originary state of grandiose perfection, it is, as Aristophanes' myth and Hans Loewald tell us, an attempt to recapture a sense of wholeness. But it cannot do this by regressing, by returning to pure potentiality, but only in actualizing, in integrating itself with itself and the world. Hegel's Geist striving to achieve actuality by developing increasingly more complex forms of subjectivity and world relatedness is pure Eros. The reason Eros cannot be another part or function is that it must gather the parts and functions into a whole. It seems to lurk in the interstices and penumbra of the soul - sometimes dormant, sometimes awakened. When awakened, it gathers the soul's parts, makes us feel whole, and infuses us with life. This erotic cathexis of the self is not narcissistic - its aim is neither to express grandiosity nor to defensively inflate an injured self. Rather, the soul's eros directed toward itself is what keeps it growing and developing - like Aristotle's entelechy - reaching for ever wider meanings, ever more integration within the vast ecosystem of the soul, and ever longing to ecologically dwell on this earth. Along with its closest friend, suffering, it is what compels us to descend into the dangerous pit of the unconscious in heroic attempts to retrieve a part of ourselves that had been lost. It is what seeks ever more complex forms of experience to express the growing complexity of the soul's increased integration. It is either the most profound expression of the self or even more ontological than the self itself, the very loam out which the self emerges. It is, as Plato says, a great daimon - a divine spark longing to unite with ever more transcendent forms of beauty.

The deadness that lurks under the surface of our very lively culture has, as we have seen, many sides, but, perhaps, the most important is that the life favored by economics, the life of desire, has supplanted the life of Eros. The life of desire and excitement is lively, its pursuits so easy in comparison to the arduous commitments of Eros. But the glow of Las Vegas is not a genuine radiance. It is a siren luring us away from our proper journeys, luring us from ever returning to Ithaca. It was Eros - for Penelope, for his homeland, for his own wholeness - which kept Odysseus on his journey, and Eros which keeps us on ours. When we fill with Eros we become radiantly beautiful and our souls are alive with life.

Works Cited
Eigen, Michael (1998) The Psychoanalytic Mystic. London: Free Association Books.
Eigen, Michael (1999) Toxic Nourishment. London: Karnac Books.
Lear, Jonathan (2000) Happiness, Death, and the Remainder of Life. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.
Heidegger, M. (1996) Being and Time, Joan Stambaugh, trs. Albany: SUNY Press.
Nietzsche, F. (1978) Thus Spoke Zarathustra. Tr. Richard Kaufmann. New York: Viking Press.
Plato, (1966) Collected Dialogues. Hamiliton & Cairns, eds. New York: Random House.
Thoreau, (1991), Walking, in "Emerson, Nature, Thoreau, Walking", Boston, Beacon Press.

An expanded form of this material will be included in the upcoming Affect Regulation and the Repair of the Self (Guilford Press) by Allan N. Schore, and should be so cited.

To my mind, the first issue of Neuro-Psychoanalysis represents an important step forward towards an active interdisciplinary dialogue between neuroscience and psychoanalysis, and suggests that this mutual exchange can act as an enriched environment that can intellectually energize both realms. That is to say, there is now enough common ground between these two perspectives to open an ongoing communication about certain fundamental questions that are addressed by both domains of science, the study of the brain and the study of the mind. As the contributors have articulately demonstrated, the deeper mechanisms that underlie affective processes, which play a central role in adaptive functions, can be elucidated by a psychoneurobiological perspective that attends to both structure and function. This common focus on the centrality of affective states has lead to a consensus that both neuroscience and psychoanalysis must pay more attention to the links of the brain-mind into the body.

Freud’s monumental contribution to science was his discovery of the critical role of the dynamic unconscious in everyday life, and in his works he created a theoretical perspective that could bring into focus the unconscious subjective internal world that is instrumental in guiding the individual’s moment-to-moment interactions with the external environment. Drawing upon his early experience as a scientist and neurologist, over the course of his prolific later career as a psychoanalyst all of his investigations represented attempts to elucidate the realms of the mind beneath conscious awareness.

Freud also proposed a developmental model of psychopathogensis, and an applied scientific model, clinical psychoanalysis, a treatment approach that was based upon his understanding of the intrapsychic mechanisms that underlie both normal and abnormal functioning. These interventions, derived from his theoretical base, represented an aggregate of experimental methods that could most effectively access this inner realm, and thereby maximize the possibility of change in the patient’s unconscious internal structural systems. Over the course of his early career as a theoretical and clinical neurologist of the brain and later career as a theoretical and clinical psychologist of the mind, Freud increasingly emphasized the central role of unconscious motivational and affective systems in understanding the human experience (Schore, 1997a; 1998e).

In my earlier commentary in the first issue of this journal (Schore, 1999a), I have suggested that Freud’s remarkably perceptive observations of the unconscious mechanisms that mediate the affective and motivational expressions of intrapsychic structural systems describe the operations of the right brain, or “right mind” (Ornstein, 1997). In this offering, I want to expand upon the major issues about affect that were raised by Freud and addressed by the contributors to the first issue. A central proposal of this work is that the problems of affect and motivation can only be addressed by moving down from the cortex and describing corticosubcortical systems, especially those in the right brain that connect into the body.

Current emotion theorists outside of psychoanalysis are now stressing that emotions involve rapid appraisals of events that are important to the individual (Frijda, 1988) and represent reactions to fundamental relational meanings that have adaptive significance (Lazarus, 1991). This adaptive aspect of the nonverbal communication of emotions was first introduced by Darwin in The Expression of Emotion in Man and Animals (1872), and must now be integrated with Freud’s models of affect, motivation, and the unconscious, first presented in his Project for a Scientific Psychology (1895). These respective interpersonal and intrapsychic conceptions of emotion can be brought together in a psychoneurobiological model of the nonconscious processing of socioemotional information by the right brain.

In this continuation of my earlier contribution to this journal, I shall present additional multidisciplnary evidence which indicates that a deeper understanding of affective phenomena can not be attained without also attending to the problem of affect regulation. The essential aspect of this function is highlighted by Westin (1997, p. 542) who asserts that “The attempt to regulate affect - to minimize unpleasant feelings and to maximize pleasant ones - is the driving force in human motivation”. And so I shall focus upon the vertical organization of the right brain, especially the “higher” orbitofrontal areas, which are structurally expanded in the right hemisphere (Falk et al., 1990) and functionally involved in a number of adaptive self-regulatory processes.

At the orbitofrontal level complex cortically processed exteroceptive information concerning the external environment (such as visual and prosodic information emanating from an emotional face) is integrated with subcortically processed interoceptive information regarding the internal visceral environment (such as concurrent changes in bodily states). This cortex thus functions to refine emotions in keeping with current sensory input, and allows for the adaptive switching of internal bodily states in response to changes in the external environment that are appraised to be personally meaningful (Schore, 1998a).

The orbitofrontal system sits at the hierarchical apex of the limbic system, which is more developed in the right rather than the left brain. Due to this fact, this higher cortical system, when acting effficently, can regulate lower level subcortical structures that are involved in the earlier processing stages of socioemotional information. This prefrontolimbic regulatory system therefore acts as an “internal reflecting and organizing agency” (Kaplan-Solms & Solms, 1996). In an attempt to forge deeper links between the right brain and the right mind, I will propose that the orbitofrontal system’s organization of lower levels of the vertically-arranged, right-lateralized limbic system represents the structural intrapsychic mechanism by which higher levels of Freud’s system preconscious regulate lower levels of the system unconscious. In other words, the orbitofrontal system acts as a higher preconscious system that organizes lower level unconscious states of mind-body.

In the following, I will further develop my contention that “the emotion-processing right mind is the neurobiological substrate of Freud’s dynamic unconscious” (Schore, 1999a, p. 125). I will suggest that current knowledge of the development and organization of the orbitofrontal system, which has been called the “senior executive of the emotional brain” (Joseph, 1996), can be used to evaluate Freud’s topographical, structural, and affect theories. And I will then show how this psychoneurobiological perspective can elucidate the roles of right-lateralized unconscious-preconscious systems in a spectrum of affectively-driven adaptive functions.

Jackson and Freud: the shared origin of neuropsychology and psychoanalysis

More than any other discipline, psychoanalysis, the scientific study of the unconscious mind (Brenner, 1980), can offer the other sciences its century-old body of knowledge which describes the unique qualities of the essential processes that continuously operate at levels beneath conscious awareness. To this date psychoanalysis has preferentially looked to “cognitive neuroscience” (Gazzaniga, 1995) to generate models of psychoanalytic phenomena, a field whose studies are mostly targeted to the left hemisphere’s explicit functions in consciously processing verbal materials. And yet the paralimbic networks that underlie the rapid nonconscious processing of affect are known to be more expressed in the right hemisphere (Tucker, 1992; Joseph, 1996). I therefore suggest that the currently expanding fields of "affective neuroscience" (Panksepp, 1998) and "social neuroscience" (Cacioppo & Berntson, 1992) may generate more comprehensive models of the unconscious mind-body mechanisms by which right-lateralized nonverbal systems implicitly guide the individual’s adaptive and maladaptive emotional reactions and motivational states.

The central nervous system circuits that process social and emotional information at unconscious levels are deeply connected into the autonomic nervous system circuits that regulate the functions of every organ in the body, and these are highly lateralized in the right brain (Schore, 1994; 1996; 1997b; 1998a). Porges (1997) describes this ANS-CNS interaction in a contribution entitled “Emotion: An evolutionary by-product of the neural regulation of the autonomic nervous system”:

Emotion depends on the communication between the autonomic nervous system and the brain; visceral afferents convey information on physiological state to the brain and are critical to the sensory or psychological experience of emotion, and cranial nerves and the sympathetic nervous system are outputs from the brain that provide somatomotor and visceromotor control of the expression of emotion (p. 65).

Emotional receptive and expressive functions are thus mediated by the coactivation of limbic circuits of the central nervous system and energy-mobilizing sympathetic and energy-conserving parasympathetic components of the autonomic nervous system. The meaning of this neuroanatomical structure-function relation is that any theoretical model of affective phenomena must take into account not just the “higher” central, but also the “lower” autonomic nervous system. John Hughlings Jackson (1931), the great nineteenth century neurologist who most profoundly influenced Freud (Sulloway, 1979; Goldstein, 1995), described the autonomic nervous system as “the physiological bottom of the mind”. Citing Jackson, Neafsey (1990, p. 147) concludes, “the key to understanding the cerebral cortex, then, appears to be the body.” In other words, affect directs both neuroscience’s right brain and psychoanalysis’s right mInd into the body.

Although Jackson is unknown to most psychoanalysts (and most neuroscientists), the concepts that he first proposed and that Freud later developed are very familiar to clinicians. The essential contributions of Jackson’s groundbreaking neurological theories to a number of Freud’s major concepts has been underscored within the psychoanalytic literature by a number of authors. Solms and Saling (1986) describe Freud’s siding with Jackson against the reigning localizationist tradition of nineteenth century neurology, and Sulloway (1979) who refers to Freud’s contention that “what is really important...is an appreciation of how a hypothetical lesion might affect the whole system, dynamically understood“ (p. 271, my emphasis). In my own work, which incorporates a dynamic systems approach (Schore, 1994; 1997b; in press, b), I continue to expand upon Jackson’s hierachical model by delineating the development of an unconscious regulatory system that is described by Freud.
In describing Jackson’s hierarchical-developmental model, Sulloway (1979, p. 270) states:

Jackson conceived the human mind in terms of a hierarchical series of functional levels, with “higher,” voluntary functions overlaying and “keeping down” the more involuntary, “lower” ones. The lower functional capacities of mind, he maintained, had been superseded in the course of human evolution by the higher ones, which now serve to integrate and observe the whole; and a similar evolutionary sequence was to be observed in individual mental development (my italics)...He also taught that the lower functional levels of mind - dynamically and subconsciously present in all healthy indivuals - are temporarily unleashed during states of sleeping and dreaming.

These lower level functions represent the earliest stage of cognition, characterized by Jackson as preverbal and closely tied to visceral functions. The similarity of Jackson’s lower level functions to Freud’s primary process functions has been pointed out by a number of authors, including Goldstein (1995).

Jackson further suggested that pathology involves a “dissolution”, a loss of inhibitory capacities of the most recently evolved layers of the nervous system that support higher functions (negative symptoms) as well as the release of lower, more automatic functions (positive symptoms). Freud incorporated Jackson’s stratified model, which he specifically praised, into On Aphasia, (1891). Here Freud spoke of a pathological condition as a retrogression to an earlier state of functional development, a conceptualization he used for the rest of his career. In other words, regression, the essential psychoanalytic mechanism of psychopathology for Freud, derives directly from the neurological hierarchical model of Jackson. Indeed, Sulloway (1979, p. 272) refers to “the Jackson-Freud theory of psychical regression”. And at later dates Freud incorporated Jackson’s hierarchical concept of higher levels inhibiting lower levels of function into both his topographic (1900) model of stratified conscious, preconscious, and unconscious systems, and his structural model (1923) of a superego and ego which sit astride the id.

Jackson’s ideas, far ahead of his time, are directly relevant to contemporary neuroscience and psychoanalysis, especially as both are now intensely focusing upon the problems of affect and motivation. Goldstein (1995, p. 498) describes:

Jackson’s observation of aphasics led him to postulate lateralization of two main aspects of mentation - emotive and intellectual. The emotive functions are described as essentially preverbal and automatic, and as residing in the right hemisphere. There all mentation arises, according to nonexperiential functions, and only thereafter are ideas arranged in words in the left hemisphere, where they achieve propositional form.
Jackson’s work deeply influenced not only Freud, but also the ensuing neurological work of Henry Head, Kurt Goldstein, and most significantly, Alexander Luria, who in his youth corresponded with Freud. Luria (1973) states that as opposed to the “narrow localization” of Broca and other nineteenth century neurologists,
Jackson argued that...the cerebral organization of complex mental processes must be approached from the standpoint of the level of their construction rather than that of their localization in particular areas of the brain (p. 25).

Luria continues,
That is why mental functions, as complex functional systems, cannot be localized in narrow zones of the cortex, but must be organized in systems of concertedly working zones, each of which performs its role in a complex functional system, and which may be located in completely different and often far distant areas of the brain (p. 31).
But perhaps even more specifically to the topic at hand, emotional functions, over 25 years ago Luria wrote,
Nearly a century ago, Hughlings Jackson postulated that the right hemisphere...participates directly in perceptual processes and is responsible for more direct, visual forms of relationships with the outside world. This hypothesis failed to attract due attention for many decades, and it is only recently that it has been begun to be appreciated. First of all it was noticed that the right hemisphere is directly concerned with the analysis of direct information received by the subject from his own body and which, it can easily be understood, is much more closely connected with direct sensation than with verbally logical codes (Luria, 1973, p. 165).
Over the last quarter of this century an explosion of studies has confirmed the essential role of the right hemisphere in the processing of emotional information, validating Jackson’s insights. But the primary reason I am presenting Jackson’s view of how the brain operates is to emphasize the fact that the problem of emotion, the theme of this journal’s inauguratory issue, can not be understood with a localizationist perspective, one that still dominates neuroscience. Attempts to localize learning in the hippocampus, drive in the hypothalamus, fear processing in the amygdala, or indeed executive functions in the frontal lobe all represent such a perspective.

This principle is echoed by Bigler et al.:
...seeking out a single structure will never be effective in answering the role of that structure without somehow accounting for the interrelationship of that structure with other systems in its network. Along these lines, in the context of cognitive neuroscience, Goldberg (1995) argues convincingly for a paradigmatic shift from modular to interactive brain systems (1996, p. 34).
A localizationist approach can never offer us a complex model of what Damasio describes as the essential adaptive function of brain systems (1994, p. 90):
The overall function of the brain is to be well informed about what goes on in the rest of the body, the body proper; about what goes on in itself; and about the environment surrounding the organism, so that suitable survivable accommodations can be achieved between the organism and the environment.

The fact that most localization studies, whether utilizing a neuropathological lesion analysis, EEG, or neuroimaging methodology, are looking at only the cortical level presents a particular problem for the deeper study of affective, bodily-based processes. Rather, we must move down from the cortex, and look into the vertical dimension of cortical-subcortical systems. The brain is organized as a complex dynamic system (Siegel, 1999; Lewis & Granic, in press) and any theoretical model of affects, or brain development, or psychopathogenesis, or of the unconscious must also use a dynamic systems approach (Schore, 1997b; in press, b). This clearly suggests that any rapprochement between psychoanalysis and neurobiology must involve a joining of current psychoanalytic conceptions and specifically a Jacksonian and not localizationalist neurobiology. I am suggesting that at their inception, neurology and psychoanalysis were interlinked in a Jacksonian-Freudian co-constructed conception, and so the rapprochement between these disciplines will result in a more complex integrated model of a Jacksonian hierarchical brain and a Freudian unconscious mind.

Continuing a central theme of my ongoing work, in this contribution I will expand my thesis that psychoanalysis’ large and growing body of clinical and theoretical functional descriptions of the structural unconscious describes the functional properties of neuroscience’s structural systems located in the right brain. Clinical neuropsychological studies of adults have linked the right brain and the unconscious (Joseph, 1992) and have been used as a model for generating an “anatomy of the unconscious” (Solms, 1996). But I suggest that only a developmental perspective can trace both how the earliest socioemotional experiences are registered in the deep unconscious, and how they influence the development of the systems which dynamically process unconscious information for the rest of the lifespan. Knowledge of these developmental events offers us a chance to more deeply understand not just the contents of the dynamic unconscious, but its origin, structure, and dynamics.

The fundamental problems of affect, motivation, development, psychopathology, consciousness, and regulation were first presented by Freud in 1895 in the Project for a Scientific Psychology (1895), his attempt to create “a psychology which shall be a natural science” (p. 295). I suggest that a deeper understanding of the psychoneurobiological mechanisms of these essential processes may do more than forge deeper links between psychoanalysis and neuroscience. Rather, a common theoretical conception of affect, motivation, and the unconscious mind, and a common clinical conception of the transference-countertransference relationship, could allow for an integration of the different theoretical currents within psychoanalysis. This could move us closer to what Rangell (1997, p. 585) has described as a “total composite theory”, one that should not “equate disparate [theoretical] systems but [should] fuse the valid and enduring elements of all into one.”

The isolated brain and a one-person psychology, the interacting brain and a two-person psychology

On the whole, the major orientations of most of the commentators in the first issue utilize a perspective that traces back to the one Freud used in both On Aphasia (1891) and The Project (1895), that is, an approach grounded in clinical neurology, neuroanatomy, and neuropsychology. This classical methodological approach explores brain-behavior relationships within the context of neurological patient populations and animal lesion studies, and it attempts to model both abnormal and normal processes. Its application to affective phenomena is a rather late development, but as Damasio, Ledoux and others have repeatedly shown, this clinico-anatomical perspective within neuroscience continues to make major contributions to our understanding of not only brain diseases but of the human subjective experience.

I will not describe, as others have done, the limitations of this approach, except to mention that just as psychoanalysis has been criticized for developing models of normal development from the study of neurotic patients, the observations of abnormal brain systems as a model of normal brain function suffers from the same methodological weakness. Modern imaging studies which can noninvasively observe and measure brain states in normal populations can, of course, bypass this limitation. But I would argue, as Brothers (1997) does, that another bias intrinsic to this classical methodology is that it emphasizes a model of an “isolated brain.”
The brain has been implicitly seen as a “knower” of the world, as a socially isolated organ whose purpose is the grasp the inanimate world outside it (Brothers, 1997, p. 66).

This paradigm, with its almost restrictive focus on cognition, the action or faculty of knowing, has been automatically applied as the major, if not exclusive experimental methodology for studying affective phenomena. In these studies, “context,” especially the potential interpersonal influences of the experimenter on the brain activity of the subject is seen as a confounding factor that must be controlled. In animal studies an isolated, passive animal is stressed by intensifying or reducing parameters in the physical environment, and not through exposure to species-specific organismic stressors, and then coping responses are measured. In human studies the subject is usually presented with supraliminal verbal stimuli, aspects of the inanimate world, and not nonverbal facial stimuli of the animate world, and verbal self report or questionnaires are used as response measures. This research is focusing on the capacity of an isolated brain to autoregulate homeostatic alterations to environmentally-induced stress. The focus of many of the commentators in the first issue looks for a deeper understanding of affect within brain circuitries and on internal brain systems that efficiently or inefficently autoregulate the dysregulated psychobiological states and negative affect.

It is no coincidence that this “objective” “intra-brain” neurological perspective is paralleled by psychoanalytic models that emphasize an almost exclusive “intrapsychic” perspective. In this model of an “isolated mind”, motivation is essentially activated by drives, biological forces that originate within the organism, and the unconscious mind operates by the principles of a “one-person psychology” that is elaborated by “classical” or “structural” psychoanalytic theoretical models. During the decades when psychoanalysis was almost totally disconnected from the other sciences, “drive-dominated” models of the psyche were strongly devalued, seen as irrevelevant, and almost totally discarded from psychoanalysis.

And yet current neurobiological studies which highlight the essential role of the adaptive functions of right hemispheric control centers in regulating drive centers in the hypothalamus (Schore, 1994), and of the right brain in the metacontrol of fundamental physiological and endocrinological functions (Wittling & Pfluger, 1990), support the notion of an unconscious mind operating in a “one-person” autoregulatory strategy. This mode does represent one organizational configuration of an unconscious mind, a mode that is accessed when one is processing emotion but not transacting with external social objects.

Clinical psychotherapeutic interventions that are exclusively theoretically grounded in “drive-centered” models of the mind are directed towards a therapeutic goal of increased autoregulation of conscious systems over unconscious systems, of “making the unconscious conscious”. “Consciousness,” a mental state of “cold cognition” is thus seen as the critical manifestation of the human experience, and autonomy and autoregulation the desired end-state. Since intense negative affect interferes with this state of consciousness, it must be autoregulated.

This scenario seems to be uniquely psychoanalytic, and yet psychopharmacological treatments that target negative affective states are also based on attempts to improve the efficiency of autoregulating brain systems. Although these forms of treatment have been seen as antithetical to each other, both share the commonality of being based on a perspective that is biased towards an “isolated brain” and a “one-person psychology” model of mind. I am suggesting that it is no coincidence that in the last paragraph of their concluding remarks Solms and Nersessian’s research application is to use psychoanalytic patients to study the effects of pharmacological agents. In addition, I propose that models that exclusively focus on intra-brain events also lead to etiological conceptions of psychopathology that heavily emphasize the role of genetic and constitutional factors in psychopathogenesis.

As opposed to this intra-brain focus, now extensively used in cognitive neuroscience, the newer fields of affective neuroscience and especially social neuroscience are exploring inter-brain interactions. These disciplines are focusing not only the perceptual, cognitive, and motoric mechanisms within individual brains, but on how these internal processes are interactively regulated and dysregulated by affective transactions with other brains. In this paradigm the individual is exposed to species-specific signals that trigger changes in brain organization associated with the subjective responses that accompany interpersonally-induced stress. In such animal studies, the presence or absence of other organisms are presented as stressors. In human studies, visual representations of emotionally expressive faces, often presented at subliminal levels, are used as experimental stimuli, and then coping responses, usually at a nonverbal, physiological level are measured.

The idea that facial expressions of emotion have an adaptive value in social communication because they reveal one’s inner state to another was first proposed in 1872 by Darwin, a work well known to Freud (Sulloway, 1979). This paradigm has lead to an immense literature on “basic emotions” (e.g., Ekman, 1992; Izard, 1992). But it has also been adopted within the developmental sciences in order to explore the dyadic affective communications within the emotion-transacting attachment relationship. Animal and human psychobiological investigations are now tracing how visual and auditory affective transmissions between the mother’s and infant’s emotionally expressive faces can acts as signals that co-regulate their internal states. These early interactive events are encoded within an internal working model of attachment that guides the individual’s behavior in interpersonal interactions, and this model of the earliest intersubjective experiences is stored in limbic areas of the right brain (Schore, 1994; 1996; 1997b; 1998a, d; 1999c). MacLean (1985, p. 220) defines the adaptive role of the limbic system as the brain network which “derives subjective information in terms of emotional feelings that guide behavior.”

A primary focus of this perspective is on not only subjective affective phenomena but also on the reception and expression of affective communications and “hot cognitions” between the brains of different individuals. Brothers (1997, p. 123) argues that emotion occurs “in the context of evolved systems for the mutual regulation of behavior, often involving bodily changes that act as signals.” Trevarthen asserts that
The emotions constitute a time-space field of intrinsic brain states of mental and behavioral vitality that are signaled for communication to other subjects and that are open to immediate influence from the signals of these others (Trevarthen, 1993, p. 155).

This brain-brain interactive perspective explores the neurobiology of intersubjectivity, that is the mechanisms by which interpersonal interactions coregulate psychobiological states in an intersubjective field created by two interacting brains. Such an area of inquiry seeks the mechanisms described by Freud (1937) at the end of his career: “for the psychical field, the biological field does in fact play the part of the underlying bedrock.”
An intra-brain paradigm thus supports current “relational” models that operate under the principles of a “two person psychology.” “Empathy,” is thus seen as the critical manifestation of the human experience, and relatedness and interactive regulation the desired end-state. Furthermore, these “intersubjective” conceptualizations ...construe the fundamental operation of mind as based in its striving for relational connection and communication, rather than discharge and gratification of endogenous instinctual pressures (Dunn, 1995, p. 724).

“Relational” psychoanalytic models thus emphasize the potent intersubjective influences that flow between two affectively communicating minds (Stolorow & Atwood, 1996; Natterson, 1991). These communications are occurring on both conscious, and more importantly, unconscious levels (Schore, 1994; 1997c; 1998c; in press, a). In this perspective affectively-charged transference-countertransference interactions between patient and therapist represent the mechanisms by which the unconscious mind of one communicates with the unconscious mind of another.

This model of brain-brain interactions is strongly supported by studies of the critical role of the right hemsiphere in the processing of social and emotional information (Schore, 1997) and by research that highlights the role of right brain-to-right brain affective communications, at levels beneath awareness in both mother-infant and therapist-patient dyads (Schore, 1994; 1997c; in press, a). The dominance of the right cortex for organizing “subjective emotional experiences” (Wittling & Roschmann, 1993) implies that the fast-acting affective communications within these dyads can be characterized as “intersubjectivity.” Inter-brain models more so than intra-brain models are thus a more fertile source of hypotheses for understanding how the therapist perceives the unconscious states of the patient, and how emotional communications are transacted within the therapeutic relationship. In addition, an interactive brain perspective emphasizes environmental factors in psychopathology, and models how affectively dysregulating early experiences with misattuned objects mediates the transmission of psychopathologies.

These ideas lead to the suggestion that the next generation of brain research should simultaneously measure the different activation patterns of two brains as they are interacting with each other during different classes of affectively-charged interpersonal interactions. The stress-inducing and stress-regulating transactions of mother-infant and therapist-patient dyads are obvious candidates for such research. Such studies could offer us more detailed information about the subtle socioaffective signals that trigger changes in different patterns of psychobiological state in both brains. These transitions may represent switch points between right brain interactive and autoregulatory modes.

Ultimately, the most powerful theoretical and clinical models of both psychoanalysis and neuroscience must incorporate both aspects of the one-person psychology of an autoregulating isolated brain, and the two-person psychology of an interactively regulating brain. In psychoanalysis both the “classical” and “relational” models share the fundamental assumptions, first promulgated by Freud, of the centrality of early experiences and of the primacy of the dynamic unconscious. Wallerstein (1998) has recently written that theoretically “psychoanalysis is inevitably and necessarily both a one-person and a two-person psychology” (p. 1031), and that clinically “the analyst’s receptive role is to discern as best as possible which psychology the patient is offering at any given moment, and then to react accordingly...” (p. 1033).
I suggest that the adaptive self-regulating processes of the brain-mind-body that occur at levels beneath awareness occurs in two modes, autoregulation, via the processes of a “one-person psychology”, or interactive regulation, under the operations of a “two-person psychology.” The capacity of the unconscious right mind to shift between these two modes, depending upon context, reflects different organizational modes of the right brain, and this adaptive function allows the individual to self-regulate either with or without objects.

Developmental psychoanalytic and developmental neurobiological contributions to affect theory

An exploration of the fundamental processes that mediate self-regulation is a central theme of my ongoing attempts to integrate neuroscience and psychoanalysis. In my book, Affect Regulation and the Origin of the Self: The Neurobiology of Emotional Development (1994), I present a model of affective ontogeny that is compatible with Jackson’s triadic concepts of an “evolutionary sequence in mental development,” of higher functions superseding and overlying lower functions, and of the preeminent role of the right hemisphere in emotional functions. When applied to affective phenomena, Jackson’s hierarchical principle directs us to look for later-developing higher cortical affect regulatory systems that modulate earlier-developing lower subcortical centers involved in affective processes.

In that volume I present a psychoneurobiological model which holds that the affective events that occur in the early postnatal stages of maturation of the emotional brain are critical to the development of systems that process socioemotional information at levels beneath awareness and regulate affective and motivational states for the rest of the lifespan (Schore, 1994). Over the course of the first two years, the child’s regulatory capacities expand from an initial position where the primary caregiver externally regulates the child’s affective states, to one where the child internalizes this function. This transformation has been described in the developmental psychoanalytic literature as “the processes whereby the primary object relations become internalized and transformed into psychic structure” (Stechler & Halton, 1987, p. 823). And so, I contend that the experiences required for the experience-dependent maturation of the emotion processing right brain are the attachment experiences described by developmental psychoanalysis.

Over the last three decades developmental psychoanalysis has emerged as a central force in the field, so much so that all current theoretical and clinical models now incorporate models of early emotional development. The covers of the two most influential books in the field, Bowlby’s Attachment and Loss (1969) and Stern’s The Interpersonal World of the Infant (1985), as well as my book, contain the visual image of a mother and baby, thus iconically highlighting the centrality of the early events of life to personality formation. These groundbreaking volumes offered not only detailed models of early-appearing affective processes, but also emphasized the preeminent role of the affectively attuned mother in shaping the individual’s emotional capacities. Through their considerable influence, as well as a growing body of work of a number of developmental psychoanalytic researchers and theoreticians, this discipline is now a major contributor of updated and clinically relevant affective concepts into psychoanalysis.

The cover of Panksepp’s remarkable book, Affective Neuroscience: The Foundations of Human and Animal Emotions (1998), also contains the image of a mother and baby, but in this case a primate mother and baby. This is more than a coincidence or mere analogy to the similar covers of the above-mentioned volumes - it derives from the fact that Panksepp has extensively investigated the psychobiology of Bowlby’s attachment processes. This perspective underscores the essential contributions of affective neuroscience to a deeper understanding of the fundamental trans-species psychobiological processes that mediate that critical mechanisms of emotional development.

But in addition to developmental psychoanalysis and affective neuroscience, developmental neuroscience, the current derivative of Jackson-Freud’s hierarchical-developmental model, can also offer us essential information for theories of affect and the early development of the unconscious mind. It should be remembered that one of the major findings of neuroscience is that the developing brain, whether animal or human, is qualitatively different from an adult brain (Noebels, 1989; Schore, 1994; Thatcher, Lyon, Rumsey, & Krasnegor, 1996). I point out this obvious fact because it is directly relevant to not only psychoanalytic models of affect, but to one of the fundamental problems of science - how and why a primitive organism first develops, and then continues to become more complex. The central question is, how can development be both discontinuous and continuous?

If it is now clear that an adequate model of early development can not be drawn from psychoanalytic reconstructions of an adult mind, it is also true that a comprehensive neuropsychological model of brain self-organization and reorganization, of plasticity, of how the brain changes with experience, can not be gained by studying only adult normal or abnormal brains. Yet by far, neuroscience, which as Panksepp points out is much more concerned with “cognitive” rather than “affective” neuroscience, has paid little attention to developing brains.

And yet explorations in specifically developmental neuroscience can offer us more detailed information about a spectrum of essential human problems that include constructing more accurate models of the development of the primitive mind, elucidating the gene-environment events that underlie the development of brain systems that process affect, modelling the emergence of various forms of consciousness, describing the experience-dependent maturation of brain systems that foster resilience or high risk to psychopathologies, understanding the ontogenetic progression of primitive into more complex brain-mind-body psychobiological states, and ultimately offering more powerful models of how human relationships can alter, for better or worse, internal affective systems. This overarching perspective necessitates an integration of developmental neuroscience, developmental psychoanalysis, and developmental psychology into models of how and why early experiences are so critical to the evolution of adaptive and maladaptive mechanisms.

In psychoanalysis, Freud’s developmental perspective included an ontogenetic stage theory, a model he incorporated from Jackson (Goldstein, 1995). Although his oral, anal, and phallic model may be somewhat imprecise, the idea that development occurs in stages is supported by current neurobiological research which indicates that the brain matures in stages (Martin et al., 1988; Thatcher, 1991; Schore, 1994). Indeed, Freud’s conviction that the elaboration of what Sulloway (1979) calls his “genetic psychobiology” is a fertile and essential area of scientific inquiry has been confirmed (see Schore, 1994). The centrality of Freud’s developmental perspective is expressed in his statement “from the very first, psychoanalysis was directed towards tracing developmental processes. It...was led...to construct a genetic psychology” (1913, pp. 182-183).
Freud’s ontogenetic perspective was subsequently taken up by others, so much so that developmental models are now a rich point of contact with the other developmental sciences and a central force in psychoanalytic theory and practice (Schore, 1994; 1996; 1997b, c). Interestingly, Freud downplayed the role of the mother in early development, and advanced a model in which the father and later-forming oedipal dynamics were the primary early influence. It was thus Ferenczi who was responsible for advocating formal recognition of the mother’s significance (and an intersubjective approach) into psychoanalysis, a position that lead to Freud’s disavowal of his work (Vida, 1997).

But Freud’s developmental concepts were especially elaborated upon by a number of psychoanalysts who began to explore development not in the reconstructions of adult patients, but in the psychoanalytic observation of infants and children. This rich tradition includes the writings of his daughter Anna, as well as Klein, Winnicott, Bowlby, and Mahler, and continues in the current work of Stern, Emde, Beebe, Fonagy and other developmentally-oriented theoreticians and clinicians. My own contributions to this literature are directed towards demonstrating the direct relevance of developmental psychoanalyis to such theoretical issues as, what are the early origins of the primitive mind and how does the dynamic unconscious self-organize and continue to evolve over the course of the lifespan, and such clinical matters as what are the interpersonal and intrapsychic mechanisms that allow for growth in psychoanalytic treatment? A central tenet of all developmental psychoanalytic models has been the primacy of affect in the first two years of life. As Krystal (1988) has noted, the maturation of affects represents the key event in infancy, and the developmental emergence of the self-regulation of affect is an ontogenetic attainment that is an essential adaptive capacity. \

Indeed, the three most significant advances in psychoanalytic theory since Freud are grounded in developmental affect-transacting phenomena. Object relations theory (Greenberg & Mitchell, 1983; Horner, 1991; Scharff & Scharff, 1998) models how early affect-laden experiences with the primary caregiver indelibly influences internal psychic structural (“representational”) systems. Self psychology theory (Kohut, 1971; 1977) details how early affectively-charged interactions between the infant’s emerging self and the mother’s psychobiologically regulating (“selfobject”) functions are critical to the organization of the self. And Bowlby’s (1969; 1973; 1980) attachment theory, which to this date represents the most successful integration of psychoanalysis and the biological sciences, highlights the importance of the infant’s emotional attachment to the mother to the individual’s capacity to enter into all later interpersonal relationships. His concepts now lie at the heart of developmental psychology, which is also now intensively studying the long-enduring effects of early emotional development (e.g., Sroufe, 1996).

It is important to again point out that the affective transactions described by psychoanalytic self psychology, object relations, and attachment theory are occuring during a critical period of neurobiological maturation of the developing limbic system. Anders and Zeanah (1984) put forth the argument that the emotion-generating limbic system is the most obvious site of developmental changes associated with the ascendence of attachment behaviors. Indeed the specific period from 7 to 15 months (roughly Bowlby's period for the establishment of attachment patterns) has been shown to be critical for the myelination and therefore the maturation of particular rapidly developing limbic and cortical association areas (Kinney, Brody, Kloman, & Gilles, 1988; Yakovlev & Lecours, 1967). Psychoanalysis and neuroscience thus strongly fertilize each other in co-creating interdisciplinary models of emotional development (Schore, 1994; 1998a).

If psychoanalysis has been actively incorporating developmental data over the last few decades, contemporary neuroscience has been much slower in the process. It should be pointed out however, that Paul MacLean, one of the pioneer explorers of the limbic system, has concluded that:
One wonders whether the limbic system would ever have become such a ‘solar plexus’ with respect to emotional feelings if it had not been for the development in mammals of the family unit dependent upon the nursing mother (1985, p. 220).

And yet current neuroscientific studies of affect continue to heavily focus on adult brains, despite neurology’s long-standing interest in the effects of early experience on brain development. In 1891, the year of Freud’s On Aphasia, Dareste, using neuroembryological data, formulated the critical period hypothesis, which stated that in the maturing organism developmental processes in different areas proceed at different rates. During these periods of intensified growth and differentiation, the organism is subject to environmental conditions, and if these are outside the normal range a permanent arrest of development occurs. This conception modeled how detrimental early experiences could negatively impact the maturation of the brain, and Freud (1895) incorporated it into his ideas about how early stressful “pathological” environments play a role in adult psychopathology.

In 1894, one year before Freud’s “Project”, Ramon y Cajal (1995) began to describe how enriched epigenetic experiences positively affect neural expression with beneficial psychological outcomes. This line of research continued in studies demonstrating how early "enriched" environments promote brain growth (Rosenzweig, Bennet, & Diamond, 1972), and how the expansion of dendritic growth and synaptogenesis of the postnatally developing brain is "experience-sensitive" (Greenough, 1986) and "experience-dependent" (Aoki & Siekevitz, 1988). In the case of the growth of the emotion-processing limbic system these “experiences” are contained in early maternal-infant contingently-responsive and synchronized psychobiological interactions. And so the most recent expression of this type of work is in current research on the neurobiology of mother-infant relationships. For example, Fleming, O’Day and Kraemer (1999) now describe:

The optimal coordination between the new mammalian mother and her young involves a sequence of behaviors on the part of each that ensures that the young will be adequately cared for and show healthy physical, emotional, and social development. This coordination is accomplished by each member of the relationship having the appropriate sensitivities and responses to cues that characterize the other. (This developmental model)...emphasizes the importance of learning and plasticity in the formation and maintenance of the mother-young relationship and mediation of the experience effects by the brain and its neurochemistry (p. 673).
The next question is, at this point in time can we tell what specific parts of the brain does this early interactive experience impacting? There is now a body of animal and human studies which shows that the infant’s early maturing (Taylor, 1969; Geschwind & Galaburda, 1987; Best, 1988; Hellige, 1993; Schore, 1994; Ornstein, 1997) right hemisphere is specifically impacted by early social experiences (Denenberg, Garbanti, Sherman, Yutzey, & Kaplan, 1978; Schore, 1994). This body of studies is now supported in a recent single photon emission computed tomographic (SPECT) study by Chiron et al. (1997), which indicates that the right brain hemisphere is dominant in human infants.

This suggests that the infant’s developing right brain may require specific forms of experiences that are provided by the mother’s right brain (Rotenberg, 1994; Schore, 1994). In fact, there is now evidence for early right hemisphere-to-right hemisphere communications in very early infancy. Studies now show that most human females show a tendency to cradle infants on the left side of their body (Manning et al., 1997). This behavior is well developed in women but not men, and is independent of handedness. The authors contend that the left-cradling tendency “faciltates the flow of affective information from the infant via the left ear and eye to the center of emotional decoding, that is, the right hemisphere of the mother” (p. 327). Visual cues of affect are important to the maintenance of left cradling, since an image of the baby transmitted to the left side of the mother’s visual field is a necessary stimulus for the preference (Manning & Chamberlain, 1991).

The right cerebral cortex shows a hemispheric advantage in the infant’s processing of individual faces (Deruelle and de Schonen, 1998), in the infant’s recognition of arousal-inducing maternal facial affective expressions (Nelson, 1987), in the infant’s response to the prosody of motherese (Fernald, 1989), and in early language development (Locke, 1997; Schumann, 1997). In describing the greater involvement of the right hemisphere in infancy, Semrud-Clikeman and Hynd (1990, p. 198) state

The emotional experience of the infant develops through the sounds, images, and pictures that constitute much of an infant’s early learning experience, and are disproportionately stored or processed in the right hemisphere during the formative stages of brain ontogeny.

Indeed, the right hemisphere is centrally involved in human attachment and in the development of reciprocal interactions within the mother-infant regulatory system (Schore, 1994; 1996; 1997b; 1998b). In a series of contributions I have offered evidence that face-to-face interactions that generate high levels of positive arousal between the psychobiologically attuned mother and her infant represent an essential mechanism in the development of affect regulation. The interpersonal contexts created in mutual gaze transactions allow for the establishment of “affect synchrony” (Feldman, Greenbaum, & Yirmiya, 1999). In this process of “contingent responsivity” the more the mother tunes her activity level to the infant during periods of social engagement, the more she allows him to recover quietly in periods of disengagement, and the more she attends to the child’s reinitiating cues for reengagement, the more synchronized their interaction.
This mutual regulation of affect occurs in maternal-infant play experiences. In such positively charged transactions, the infant’s right hemisphere, which is dominant for the infant's recognition of the maternal face, and for the perception of arousal-inducing maternal facial affective expressions, visual emotional information, and the prosody of the mother’s voice, is appraising the output of the mother’s right hemisphere, which is dominant for nonverbal communication and the processing and expression of emotional information (see Schore, 1994). The maternal comforting substrate is also located in the mother’s right brain (Horton, 1995). The fact that connections into the autonomic nervous system are highly lateralized to the right brain (Schore, 1994; 1997b) may explain Basch’s (1976, p. 766) contention that “the language of mother and infant consist of signals produced by the autonomic, involuntary nervous system in both parties.”
Trevarthen (1990, p. 357) notes, “the intrinsic regulators of human brain growth in a child are specifically adapted to be coupled, by emotional communication, to the regulators of adult brains”. In these affective interchanges, the mother maximizes positive and minimizes negative affect states in the infant, and they culminate in the development of an attachment system, the function of which is the dyadic regulation of emotion (Sroufe, 1996). The mother is thus a regulator of arousal (van der Kolk & Fisler, 1994), and the transfer of affect between mother and infant are thus mediated by right hemisphere-to-right hemisphere arousal regulating transactions. Confirming this model, Ryan, Kuhl, and Deci (1997, p. 719), using EEG and neuroimaging data, now propose that “The positive emotional exchange resulting from autonomy-supportive parenting involves participation of right hemispheric cortical and subcortical systems that participate in global, tonic emotional modulation.”
These events are inscribed in implicit-procedural memory in the early developing right hemisphere that is specialized for the processing of visuospatial information (Galin, 1974) and “implicit” learning (Hugdahl, 1995). This model fits nicely with the clinical psychoanalytic observations that early mental representations are specifically visually-oriented (Giovacchini, 1981), and that historical visual imagery may be derivative of events of early phases of development (Anthi, 1983).
Attachment dynamics continue to be expressed in ongoing emotional development, and the right cortex plays a crucial role in the processing of affectively salient visual and auditory information emanating from the human face throughout the lifespan. In optimal early environments the right hemisphere, the lateralized substrate of early socioemotional learning and attachment processes, ends its growth phase in the second year, when the linear left hemisphere begins one, but it cycles back into growth phases at later periods of the life cycle (Thatcher, 1994). This allows for the continuity of attachment mechanisms in subsequent functioning, and yet also for the potential continuing reorganization of the emotion-processing right brain throughout life.

Right brain processing of socioemotional information and right mind-body connections
Although most neuroscientists would define the experimental activity of their discipline as “brain research,” a term that implies investigations of a singular natural system, there is a long tradition in the neurological sciences of the concept of dual lateralized brain systems (Harrington, 1985). In the nineteenth century, the golden age of neurology, Broca’s (1861) discovery that left hemisphere lesions often result in linguistic loss was later matched by Jackson’s findings that the right hemisphere supports emotional speech and mediates preverbal mentation and automatic emotional functions which are subsequently arranged in words in the left hemisphere into a propositional form (1931).
The resulting asymmetries of the hemispheres was then translated into models of dominance, and “around 1900...there arose the view that the left cerebral hemisphere was dominant for all higher functions” (Bogen, 1997). Freud’s (1923) contention that the ego is located in cortex in the “speech-area on the left-hand side” (p. 26) was undoubtedly influenced by these trends on lateralization within neurological science. But in addition, it may reflect the hemispheric bias of Freud’s own brain. It has been pointed out that his development of “an uncompromising oral and auditory psychotherapy” may reflect the fact that, within Freud, “the subtle cortical organization of the minor cerebral hemisphere (his ‘right brain’) was less highly developed than that of the major” (Cheshire, 1996, p. 1160).
Over the course of this century the body of evidence for lateralization of the human hemispheres has become massive, and it is currently accepted that the right hemisphere is specialized for more nonlinear, holistic, analogical processing while the left is specialized for linear, analytic processing (Van Kleek, 1989), that the right uses an expansive attention mechanism that focuses on global features while the left uses a restricted mode that focuses on local detail (Derryberry & Tucker, 1994), and that the hemispheres use two types of image generation (Kosslyn et al., 1995). The laterality research from the split brain studies of the 1970’s has been cited by both psychoanalytic (Galin, 1974) and neuroscience (Joseph, 1996) authors to demonstrate the similarities of right hemispheric cognition with Freud’s primary process and left with secondary process cognition.
But very recent advances in laterality research may be even more relevant to psychoanalysis. These studies are going beyond investigating the hemispheric processing of cognitive information to the right hemispheric processing of affective information (Silberman & Weingartner, 1986) at unconscious levels (Wexler, Warrenburg, Schwartz, & Janer, 1992). This hemisphere is dominant both for the perception of nonverbal emotional expressions embedded in facial and prosodic stimuli (Blonder, Bowers, & Heilman, 1991) and for implicit learning (Hugdahl, 1995). In current experimental studies there is intense interest in the implicit perception of affective information transmitted by faces (Niedenthal, 1990), and in the distinct dynamic properties of “nonconscious” affect, which is relatively diffuse, more readily displaced, and yields stronger or less adulterated effect (Murphy, Monahan, & Zajonc, 1995).
This “automatic emotion” operates in infancy and beyond at nonconscious levels (Hansen & Hansen, 1994), and such early automatic reactions shape the subsequent conscious emotional processing of a stimulus (Dimberg & Ohman, 1996). Because the unconscious processing of emotional information is extremely rapid, the dynamic operations of the “transmission of nonconscious affect” (Murphy et al., 1995, p. 600) and the spontaneous communication of “automatic emotion” can not be consciously perceived. These processes are fast acting, since the implicit appraisal of facially expressed emotional cues is initiated in as little as 2 milliseconds (Niedenthal, 1990), far beneath levels of awareness (Schore, in press, a).
But the right hemisphere is also centrally involved in not just the reception but the expression of affective states. Right cortical functions mediate the expression of facial displays of emotion (Borod, Haywood, & Koff, 1997), thereby facilitating “spontaneous emotional communication” (Buck, 1994) and “spontaneous” gestural communication (Blonder et al., 1995). These rapid communications are not only sensed by another face, they trigger motor responses in the facial musculature of the recipient. These studies are thus describing the lateralized neurobiological substrate of “primitive emotional contagion” (Hatfield et al., 1992). This process describes the unconscious, automatic, and uncontrollable tendency to mimic and synchronize another person’s facial expression, postures, movements, and vocalizations, thereby allowing for the interpersonal modulation of emotions.
For example, studies of emotion communication now demonstrate that human vocal affect expressions elicit electromyographically detectable changes in the receiver’s facial affect expressions (Hietanen, Surakka, & Linnankoski, 1998). Even more than this, the perceiver mimics the perceived expression within 300-400 milliseconds, at levels beneath awareness (Stenberg, Wiking, & Dahl, 1998). In discussing how a perceiver rapidly mimics the facial gestures of faces Bruner concludes:
a quick-triggered mimetic reaction might not only facilitate affective bonding with a putative partner, but could also send reafferent signals back into the systems to assure arousal-appropriate perceptual processing of that partner (Bruner, 1994, p. 278, my italics).
Note that this description also mirrors my earlier characterization of the right brain-to-right brain affective bonding mechanism embedded within the infant-maternal attachment relationship. It also fits well with the documented role of the right hemisphere in mediating facial expressivity during spontaneous social interactions that take place in the “natural conversation” of “interpersonal family communication” (Blonder, Burns, Bowers, Moore, & Heilman, 1993).
Right brain-to-right brain psychophysiological processes also explicate Dimberg and Ohman’s (1996) assertion that
...long sequences of interactions between people may be partly determined by nonconscious perceptions and automatic responses on the part of both the sender and receiver. Their conscious understanding of what is going on in the interaction that they can formulate verbally, on the other hand, may be quite independent of this basic level of interaction (p. 177).
Indeed, these authors specifically implicate right hemispheric processes in these events. Note how this characterization also describes the nonverbal unconscious right brain-to-right communications within the psychoanalytic transference-countertransference relationship (see Schore, 1994; 1997c; in press, a).
In addition, very current neuroscience data indicates that hemispheric asymmetry is not just a human characteristic, but also extends down to mammals, (Adamec, 1997), fishes, reptiles, amphibians (Bisazza, Rogers, & Vallortigara, 1998), and birds (Vallortigara, 1992). Furthermore, although earlier thinking considered only lateralization at the cortical hemispheric level, there is now considerable support for right vs. left lateralization of the human subcortical structures that mediate affective phenomena. Right lateralized components of emotional and facial processing are seen in, for example, the human right amygdala (Cahill et al., 1996; Morris, Ohman, & Dolan, 1999), right insula (Berthier, Starkstein, & Leiguarda, 1987); right basal ganglia (Cohen, Riccio, & Flannery, 1994), and right thalamus (Woodman & Tabatabai, 1998).
One of the most important aspects of the relationship between asymmetrical subcortical structures and affective functions is the lateralization of right brain connections into the reticular formation that supports the fundamental brain arousal mechanisms (see Schore, 1994). According to Solms (1996) arousal processes, which have their epicenter in the ascending reticular activating system, represent the physiological correlates of those mental processes conceptualized by Freud as “psychical energy”.